17.1.04
FENIAN VOICE
Time to dispatch that man Spellar
(Brian Feeney, Irish News)
It was October 2000. It was to be his first answer at the dispatch box as a newly promoted minister of state. He intended to say authoritatively, "Those cuts in Defence Medical Services have gone too far." A dangerous word 'cuts' when your voice is raised for public speaking. An 'n' intruded. MPs turned shades of scarlet and puce. Some nearly burst. Hacks in the press gallery had to be helped out of the Commons suffering from suspected hernias.
The Liberal Democrats' Paul Keetch offered 'sympathy' to the new minister on his first answer. Matthew Parris, the Times's brilliant sketch writer said it was the most interesting thing John Spellar will ever say in his life but sadly he did not mean to say it. Yes folks, it was John Spellar "one of our colonial officials" who began his ministerial career as he has continued it: a martyr to acute foot in mouth disease.
In recent weeks he has thrown himself into 'initiatives' to deal with crime in the north and has made spell-binding announcements on the purpose and aims of the Criminal Justice system here; tariffs for life sentences for murder, centralisation of forensic pathology services, and consultation on anti-social behaviour orders.
This burst of activity organised by the NIO on his behalf must mean they think everyone has forgotten that as minister for the armed forces, when Spellar wasn't making an ass of himself at the dispatch box, he was confirming, contrary to Queen's regulations, that soldiers convicted of murder could continue to serve in the British army. Queen's regulations are quite explicit: a soldier given a custodial sentence will be dismissed from the service. Over 2,000 British soldiers have been dismissed for that reason since Guardsmen Fisher and Wright murdered Peter McBride in the New Lodge district in 1992. You can be cashiered for cheating on Who Wants to be a Millionaire. Not for murder though.
Spellar adhered to the unwritten British policy, namely that if soldiers murder someone here they are welcome to stay in the armed services, nay promoted.
Spellar won't talk about any of this. It's a matter for the MOD he says, as if he had no responsibility when he chaired the army board that took the decision to keep those killers in the army. Then he had the ineffable cheek to come over here and accept responsibility for, wait for it, political development, human rights and equality, and community relations.
The very fact that a guy like Spellar was sent here shows the contempt for nationalist susceptibilities at the heart of the British government. Perhaps they thought Spellar could tough it out. That's his reputation. He's known as the scourge of the left in England. As if his background and reputation weren't a big enough insult to nationalists, his presence at the moment compounds the difficulty. The stark fact is he can't fulfil his responsibilities.
Spellar is currently being boycotted by both Sinn Féin and the SDLP because of his appalling decision as armed forces minister. He's not welcome in Belfast City Hall or Derry Guildhall. Yet laughably, he is responsible for political development.
The review of the working of the Agreement comes up on 29 January. Now of all times there's an urgent need for someone credible in charge of political development. That can't be Spellar.
Take him away.
January 15, 2004
Time to dispatch that man Spellar
(Brian Feeney, Irish News)
It was October 2000. It was to be his first answer at the dispatch box as a newly promoted minister of state. He intended to say authoritatively, "Those cuts in Defence Medical Services have gone too far." A dangerous word 'cuts' when your voice is raised for public speaking. An 'n' intruded. MPs turned shades of scarlet and puce. Some nearly burst. Hacks in the press gallery had to be helped out of the Commons suffering from suspected hernias.
The Liberal Democrats' Paul Keetch offered 'sympathy' to the new minister on his first answer. Matthew Parris, the Times's brilliant sketch writer said it was the most interesting thing John Spellar will ever say in his life but sadly he did not mean to say it. Yes folks, it was John Spellar "one of our colonial officials" who began his ministerial career as he has continued it: a martyr to acute foot in mouth disease.
In recent weeks he has thrown himself into 'initiatives' to deal with crime in the north and has made spell-binding announcements on the purpose and aims of the Criminal Justice system here; tariffs for life sentences for murder, centralisation of forensic pathology services, and consultation on anti-social behaviour orders.
This burst of activity organised by the NIO on his behalf must mean they think everyone has forgotten that as minister for the armed forces, when Spellar wasn't making an ass of himself at the dispatch box, he was confirming, contrary to Queen's regulations, that soldiers convicted of murder could continue to serve in the British army. Queen's regulations are quite explicit: a soldier given a custodial sentence will be dismissed from the service. Over 2,000 British soldiers have been dismissed for that reason since Guardsmen Fisher and Wright murdered Peter McBride in the New Lodge district in 1992. You can be cashiered for cheating on Who Wants to be a Millionaire. Not for murder though.
Spellar adhered to the unwritten British policy, namely that if soldiers murder someone here they are welcome to stay in the armed services, nay promoted.
Spellar won't talk about any of this. It's a matter for the MOD he says, as if he had no responsibility when he chaired the army board that took the decision to keep those killers in the army. Then he had the ineffable cheek to come over here and accept responsibility for, wait for it, political development, human rights and equality, and community relations.
The very fact that a guy like Spellar was sent here shows the contempt for nationalist susceptibilities at the heart of the British government. Perhaps they thought Spellar could tough it out. That's his reputation. He's known as the scourge of the left in England. As if his background and reputation weren't a big enough insult to nationalists, his presence at the moment compounds the difficulty. The stark fact is he can't fulfil his responsibilities.
Spellar is currently being boycotted by both Sinn Féin and the SDLP because of his appalling decision as armed forces minister. He's not welcome in Belfast City Hall or Derry Guildhall. Yet laughably, he is responsible for political development.
The review of the working of the Agreement comes up on 29 January. Now of all times there's an urgent need for someone credible in charge of political development. That can't be Spellar.
Take him away.
January 15, 2004
Random Ramblings from a Republican
Here is an amazing article and morale booster! Be sure to read it.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY ACCOUNT- THE FUNERAL OF '48 REBEL T B MacMANUS
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Here is an amazing article and morale booster! Be sure to read it.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY ACCOUNT- THE FUNERAL OF '48 REBEL T B MacMANUS
------------------------
Irish Echo Online - News
THE LONG REACH OF THE RED HAND
By Jack Holland
jholland@irishecho.com
The Red Hand Commandos, the organization that tried to murder the McAllister family in 1988 and the one allegedly behind a recent threat against them, is one of the most sinister and bloodthirsty in Northern Ireland.
John McKeague, a former supporter of the Rev. Ian Paisley, founded it in the early 1970s. A sectarian fanatic and predatory homosexual, McKeague had just been forced out of the Ulster Defense Association because of a dispute over missing money. His organization began murdering Catholics in February 1972, when it shot dead Bernard Rice as he walked along the Crumlin Road in North Belfast. The murder of Rice was the first of the so-called "motiveless murders," the term the police used to describe the loyalist killings of Catholics in the early 1970s.
The RHC was responsible for several bombing attacks on pubs, including one in Dundalk and at least one gruesome torture murder. McKeague was one of the first loyalists to be interned without trial in 1973. Six days before Christmas in December 1975, the RHC bombed a pub in Dundalk killing two people, injuring 20, and destroying part of the town center. A few hours later another three people died in an RHC bomb attack on a Catholic pub in Silverbridge, South Armagh.
After McKeague's arrest, the RHC became less active. At some point the organization came under the control of the larger Ulster Volunteer Force. McKeague himself was never trusted by the UVF or the UDA. He had crossed both organizations in the past. They regarded him as a dangerous maverick. What they did not know that was from the early 1970s McKeague, had been working for British military intelligence as an informer, a career that he resumed upon leaving prison. It is thought that this may have been a factor in the decline of his organization, which seems to have vanished from the paramilitary scene as an independent entity.
The McAllisters would come unto the RHC's radar screen in early 1982. On Jan. 29 that year two gunmen belonging to the Irish National Liberation Army walked into the printing shop McKeague owned in East Belfast and shot him dead. One of the gunmen was Rabbie McAllister, the brother of Malachy. Rabbie McAllister was arrested a few days later. This was the beginning of a saga during which McAllister disclosed he had been working for the police Special Branch for several months, turned supergrass, but ended up serving a life sentence for five murders. One of those who ended up behind bars because of his testimony was Malachy, his brother.
For several years, the Red Hand Commandos were not much heard from. In 1985 it claimed to have placed a bomb in Castlewellan following the banning of an Orange parade. Three years later, it carried out the gun attack on the McAllister family home in the Lower Ormeau area of South Belfast, forcing the family to flee to Canada and then the United States.
During the upheavals of the late 1980s and early '90s, when there was a resurgence of loyalist activities, the RHC reemerged, carrying out a series of murders in Belfast. In 1991, it murdered two Catholic shopkeepers in West Belfast. Larry Murchan, the second of them, went down in the history of the Troubles as the conflict's 2,000th victim. The following year it murdered an informer in the east of the city. In the spring of 1994, a young Protestant woman named Margaret Wright was drinking in a small loyalist club on the Donegal Road when RHC members became suspicious that she was an officer from the drug squad. Wright was an epileptic, and suffered from bouts of alcoholism and depression. While she was high on of drugs and alcohol, RHC members tortured her, before murdering her and dumping her body in a garbage bin. The killing caused revulsion even among other loyalist groups. The RHC later killed Billy Elliott, one of its members, who, it alleged, had taken part if Wright's murder.
Eight months after the Good Friday agreement was signed in April 1998, the RHC became the first paramilitary organization to carry out an act of decommissioning. Only a few weapons, and those mostly out of date, were put out of use. The gesture was soon exposed as a publicity stunt. Members of the Red Hand Commandos continue to carry out killings in the drug wars and feuds that flare up between the loyalist groups, now little more than criminal gangs. In a volatile situation, with the peace process suspended, and loyalist groups struggling for dominance, the RHC remains a dangerous maverick with the capacity to kill.
This story appeared in the issue of January 14-20, 2004
THE LONG REACH OF THE RED HAND
By Jack Holland
jholland@irishecho.com
The Red Hand Commandos, the organization that tried to murder the McAllister family in 1988 and the one allegedly behind a recent threat against them, is one of the most sinister and bloodthirsty in Northern Ireland.
John McKeague, a former supporter of the Rev. Ian Paisley, founded it in the early 1970s. A sectarian fanatic and predatory homosexual, McKeague had just been forced out of the Ulster Defense Association because of a dispute over missing money. His organization began murdering Catholics in February 1972, when it shot dead Bernard Rice as he walked along the Crumlin Road in North Belfast. The murder of Rice was the first of the so-called "motiveless murders," the term the police used to describe the loyalist killings of Catholics in the early 1970s.
The RHC was responsible for several bombing attacks on pubs, including one in Dundalk and at least one gruesome torture murder. McKeague was one of the first loyalists to be interned without trial in 1973. Six days before Christmas in December 1975, the RHC bombed a pub in Dundalk killing two people, injuring 20, and destroying part of the town center. A few hours later another three people died in an RHC bomb attack on a Catholic pub in Silverbridge, South Armagh.
After McKeague's arrest, the RHC became less active. At some point the organization came under the control of the larger Ulster Volunteer Force. McKeague himself was never trusted by the UVF or the UDA. He had crossed both organizations in the past. They regarded him as a dangerous maverick. What they did not know that was from the early 1970s McKeague, had been working for British military intelligence as an informer, a career that he resumed upon leaving prison. It is thought that this may have been a factor in the decline of his organization, which seems to have vanished from the paramilitary scene as an independent entity.
The McAllisters would come unto the RHC's radar screen in early 1982. On Jan. 29 that year two gunmen belonging to the Irish National Liberation Army walked into the printing shop McKeague owned in East Belfast and shot him dead. One of the gunmen was Rabbie McAllister, the brother of Malachy. Rabbie McAllister was arrested a few days later. This was the beginning of a saga during which McAllister disclosed he had been working for the police Special Branch for several months, turned supergrass, but ended up serving a life sentence for five murders. One of those who ended up behind bars because of his testimony was Malachy, his brother.
For several years, the Red Hand Commandos were not much heard from. In 1985 it claimed to have placed a bomb in Castlewellan following the banning of an Orange parade. Three years later, it carried out the gun attack on the McAllister family home in the Lower Ormeau area of South Belfast, forcing the family to flee to Canada and then the United States.
During the upheavals of the late 1980s and early '90s, when there was a resurgence of loyalist activities, the RHC reemerged, carrying out a series of murders in Belfast. In 1991, it murdered two Catholic shopkeepers in West Belfast. Larry Murchan, the second of them, went down in the history of the Troubles as the conflict's 2,000th victim. The following year it murdered an informer in the east of the city. In the spring of 1994, a young Protestant woman named Margaret Wright was drinking in a small loyalist club on the Donegal Road when RHC members became suspicious that she was an officer from the drug squad. Wright was an epileptic, and suffered from bouts of alcoholism and depression. While she was high on of drugs and alcohol, RHC members tortured her, before murdering her and dumping her body in a garbage bin. The killing caused revulsion even among other loyalist groups. The RHC later killed Billy Elliott, one of its members, who, it alleged, had taken part if Wright's murder.
Eight months after the Good Friday agreement was signed in April 1998, the RHC became the first paramilitary organization to carry out an act of decommissioning. Only a few weapons, and those mostly out of date, were put out of use. The gesture was soon exposed as a publicity stunt. Members of the Red Hand Commandos continue to carry out killings in the drug wars and feuds that flare up between the loyalist groups, now little more than criminal gangs. In a volatile situation, with the peace process suspended, and loyalist groups struggling for dominance, the RHC remains a dangerous maverick with the capacity to kill.
This story appeared in the issue of January 14-20, 2004
One Ireland
Irish Family Can Stay Pending Appeal
Wednesday, January 14, 2004
BY ANA M. ALAYA
Star-Ledger Staff
The U.S. 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals ruled yesterday that an asylum-seeker from Northern Ireland, his wife and three children can remain in the United States until their case is heard.
Malachy McAllister, 46, of Wallington, Bergen County, has been fighting deportation for years, and his case has become a cause for several Irish-American groups who advocate for victims of the conflict in Northern Ireland.
McAllister and his family fled Northern Ireland in 1988 after armed loyalists attacked their home. They moved to Canada before coming to the United States in 1996. McAllister's application for political asylum was denied because he had been convicted in plots to murder officers of the Royal Ulster
Constabulary.
Immigration officials say McAllister is a terrorist. McAllister claims he was involved in a legitimate struggle for Irish independence during a civil war. He was convicted by a British judge in a non-jury trial and served time in jail.
Last December, McAllister and his 24-year-old son were spared deportation at the 11th hour after his attorney petitioned the courts for a delay until the case is appealed.
U.S. Rep. Steve Rothman (D-9th Dist.), who has lobbied to keep McAllister and his family in the United States, said yesterday's decision was a victory for the family.
"In granting a stay of removal, the court has sent a message that it recognizes the McAllisters have legitimate concerns over their personal safety should they be forced to return to Northern Ireland," Rothman said.
McAllister's wife, Bernadette, and three of the couple's four children have also been ordered deported and their request for a stay was also granted. The 3rd Circuit Court, which sits in Philadelphia, has not yet scheduled a hearing on the merits of the case.
Yesterday's decision does not apply to McAllister's son, Mark, because he was convicted of a minor drug charge. The court said it has no jurisdiction over his case.
Irish Family Can Stay Pending Appeal
Wednesday, January 14, 2004
BY ANA M. ALAYA
Star-Ledger Staff
The U.S. 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals ruled yesterday that an asylum-seeker from Northern Ireland, his wife and three children can remain in the United States until their case is heard.
Malachy McAllister, 46, of Wallington, Bergen County, has been fighting deportation for years, and his case has become a cause for several Irish-American groups who advocate for victims of the conflict in Northern Ireland.
McAllister and his family fled Northern Ireland in 1988 after armed loyalists attacked their home. They moved to Canada before coming to the United States in 1996. McAllister's application for political asylum was denied because he had been convicted in plots to murder officers of the Royal Ulster
Constabulary.
Immigration officials say McAllister is a terrorist. McAllister claims he was involved in a legitimate struggle for Irish independence during a civil war. He was convicted by a British judge in a non-jury trial and served time in jail.
Last December, McAllister and his 24-year-old son were spared deportation at the 11th hour after his attorney petitioned the courts for a delay until the case is appealed.
U.S. Rep. Steve Rothman (D-9th Dist.), who has lobbied to keep McAllister and his family in the United States, said yesterday's decision was a victory for the family.
"In granting a stay of removal, the court has sent a message that it recognizes the McAllisters have legitimate concerns over their personal safety should they be forced to return to Northern Ireland," Rothman said.
McAllister's wife, Bernadette, and three of the couple's four children have also been ordered deported and their request for a stay was also granted. The 3rd Circuit Court, which sits in Philadelphia, has not yet scheduled a hearing on the merits of the case.
Yesterday's decision does not apply to McAllister's son, Mark, because he was convicted of a minor drug charge. The court said it has no jurisdiction over his case.
16.1.04
Irish Examiner> Breaking News> Sinn Féin meets ceasefire commission
Sinn Féin meets ceasefire commission
16/01/2004 - 11:19:28
Sinn Féin is meeting today with a new commission set up to monitor the IRA’s ceasefire.
After Sinn Féin warning it was unlikely to meet with the Independent Monitoring Commission, both sides are due to sit down for talks in Belfast.
But a party spokesman insisted it would use the meeting to explain its opposition to the body, which he claimed was set up outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
The IMC was criticised last week by senior Sinn Féin member Alex Maskey.
He was part of today’s delegation, which also included Sinn Féin Assembly Group leader Conor Murphy.
A spokesman said: “We will put very politely to the commission today why we are opposed to it and will not work with it.”
The four-member commission was set up by the British and Irish governments last year amid unionist concerns about Sinn Féin serving in government while the IRA remained active.
The commission is also due to meet Northern Ireland’s largest party after last November’s Assembly election, Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionists.
Sinn Féin has been fiercely critical of the IMC and the British and Irish governments, claiming the commission is outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
Mr Maskey argued last week that the commission would be a magnet for complaints from those seeking to undermine the Good Friday Agreement.
The commission’s members are former Northern Ireland Speaker Lord Alderdice; retired Irish civil servant Joe Brosnan; John Grieve, who headed Metropolitan Police’s anti-terrorist unit; and Richard Kerr, a former deputy director of the CIA in the United States.
Sinn Féin meets ceasefire commission
16/01/2004 - 11:19:28
Sinn Féin is meeting today with a new commission set up to monitor the IRA’s ceasefire.
After Sinn Féin warning it was unlikely to meet with the Independent Monitoring Commission, both sides are due to sit down for talks in Belfast.
But a party spokesman insisted it would use the meeting to explain its opposition to the body, which he claimed was set up outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
The IMC was criticised last week by senior Sinn Féin member Alex Maskey.
He was part of today’s delegation, which also included Sinn Féin Assembly Group leader Conor Murphy.
A spokesman said: “We will put very politely to the commission today why we are opposed to it and will not work with it.”
The four-member commission was set up by the British and Irish governments last year amid unionist concerns about Sinn Féin serving in government while the IRA remained active.
The commission is also due to meet Northern Ireland’s largest party after last November’s Assembly election, Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionists.
Sinn Féin has been fiercely critical of the IMC and the British and Irish governments, claiming the commission is outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
Mr Maskey argued last week that the commission would be a magnet for complaints from those seeking to undermine the Good Friday Agreement.
The commission’s members are former Northern Ireland Speaker Lord Alderdice; retired Irish civil servant Joe Brosnan; John Grieve, who headed Metropolitan Police’s anti-terrorist unit; and Richard Kerr, a former deputy director of the CIA in the United States.
Sinn Féin: Two Governments "must do what they promised" - Adams
Two Governments "must do what they promised" - Adams
Published: 15 January, 2004
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP MLA in a major speech today in St. Malachy's College in North Belfast has warned that there "there is undoubtedly a dangerous and deeply worrying sense of drift in the political situation since the Assembly elections in November."
In his address to students at St. Malachy's College in Belfast the Sinn Féin leader describes as "intolerable" the failure of the two governments to fulfil their commitments or providing "any satisfactory explanation for reneging on their commitments."
Mr. Adams says that it "appears to nationalists and republicans that the governments will now let the DUP set the agenda in respect of citizens rights and entitlements. This is unacceptable."
The Sinn Féin leader also assesses the contribution of the two governments, of republicans, the Ulster unionists and the position of the DUP.
He believes the current difficulties "are rooted in the British government's tactical approach to the Good Friday Agreement.
In other words, for the last five years rather than fully implementing the Agreement over all its aspects and particularly those elements for which the British government has direct responsibility, London has proceeded at a pace which the UUP and its own government agencies were prepared to tolerate.
In order to understand why it did so it is important to appreciate that the British government is a unionist government. Not unionist of the Irish variety but British unionism."
The Sinn Féin leader also examines British strategy and concludes that none of its objectives have been achieved.
"The IRA was not defeated. And after ten years of cessations the question of beating the IRA or trying to demoralise, split or humiliate it should no longer be an issue.
Unless of course no value is placed on the IRA's support for the development of the peace process and its endeavours to facilitate a sustainable process of change to build the peace or unless Sinn Fein's peace strategy and our contribution to the process which includes our efforts to bring an end of physical force, is to be set to one side.
The Sinn Fein President expressed deep concern about the continuing power and influence of the securocrats; "
Mr. Adams also examines the role of the Irish government and the fact that at times there are those in the Dublin political establishment who know better who "have put party political electoral or narrow self interest above the national interest, and the interests of the peace process.
At other times the failure of the Irish government to prevent the British government from breaching the Agreement has caused difficulties throughout nationalist Ireland."
Of the Ulster Unionist Party and the DUP Mr. Adams says; "Sinn Féin believes completely in the need to build relationships with unionism. The dialogue between the UUP and us was a central part of our strategy and we are determined despite all the difficulties to deepen and extend this dialogue to all elements of unionism.
Mr. Adams sets out Sinn Féin's attitude to the DUP; "Sinn Féin sets no preconditions whatsoever on talking to the DUP. Neither are we against sharing power with them, despite the record of some of its most senior members."
However, he points out that while 74 or two thirds of the Assembly are pro-Agreement, one third, the DUP has a "desire is to destroy the Agreement, ignore the wishes of the Irish and British people, and turn the clock back to the bad old days of domination and supremacy of one section of people over another.
But they know, if they reflect at all, that this cannot happen. The process of change can be frustrated or delayed, but it cannot be stopped.
The DUP can be moved. And there is no doubt that unionism; even of the Paisleyite kind will have to face in time the same reality that led the UUP to agree the Good Friday Agreement.
But this will take too long and the process of change and the rights of citizens cannot wait."
On the Review the Sinn Féin President says: "The principles, structures and obligations of the Agreement cannot and must not be subverted.
The review as set out in the Good Friday Agreement is about improving the delivery of the Agreement. It was never envisaged that it would take place during suspension of institutions indeed the British government had no right to suspend the institutions, and had to step outside the Agreement to unilaterally take that power on themselves.
The review was never meant to deal with a process which is on hold. So while the review may find there are ways of improving the delivery of the Agreement it cannot resolve the current difficulties.
Sinn Féin will bring a positive attitude to the review even though the review can only perform a limited function and must therefore be short, sharp and focussed, as the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister promised.
Sinn Fein has asked that the review be completed within a month. In reality it could be conducted in a week. Any attempt to make it a protracted exercise has to be resisted. "
Finally, and despite a warning that no political process could be sustained on a diet of the last five years and of continuous stalemate, stagnation and eventual breakdown, Gerry Adams expresses confidence that; "With the application of proper strategies I believe the process can be moved on.
This places a heavy responsibility on the two governments ' but especially on Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern ' to provide the essential political leadership that this dangerous crisis urgently demands.
As the leaders of the two sovereign governments and the joint and co-equal guarantors of the Agreement, it falls to them to marshal the pro-Agreement forces and implement a strategy to defeat the wreckers and move the process forward.
This may mean the pro-Agreement, pro-peace parties and governments agreeing and setting out an agenda for progress. Obviously such a task is outside the remit of the review and may require a different mechanism.
But whatever else happens the British government must lift the suspension of the institutions and allow the process defined in the Agreement to take its course.
It also means that the two governments have to honour their obligations made in the Agreement, made in last years Joint Declaration and made in subsequent discussions."
Full Text of Speech:
Two Governments "must do what they promised" - Adams
There is undoubtedly a dangerous and deeply worrying sense of drift in the political situation since the Assembly elections in November.
Instead of stable political institutions with the people's elected representatives making decisions on important issues which affect all our lives, across a range of social and economic issues; instead of a fully operational Assembly and all-Ireland institutions leading the delivery of change, advancing the equality agenda and championing a human rights based society; we have continuing impasse and an ever deepening political crisis.
Some commentators argue that the last election caused all this. That is nonsense.
Yes, there are difficulties, major difficulties. However it is my view that these difficulties can be resolved.
A starting point for this can only be found in an accurate analysis of the current situation.
The difficulties did not begin when or because the people cast their votes.
They are rooted in the British government's tactical approach to the Good Friday Agreement.
In other words, for the last five years rather than fully implementing the Agreement over all its aspects and particularly those elements for which the British government has direct responsibility, London has proceeded at a pace which the UUP and its own government agencies were prepared to tolerate.
In order to understand why it did so it is important to appreciate that the British government is a unionist government. Not unionist of the Irish variety but British unionism.
But it is prepared to modernise and in terms of the Good Friday Agreement Mr. Blair's government was moved to a range of all-Ireland positions, and British policy has been shifted quite profoundly, including on the status of the union.
But in a state like this which is entirely unionist in its ethos, symbolism and management, any effort to modernise is bound to be very challenging indeed.
And it isn't just about the section of people here who are unionist. I think that they know that London has little loyalty to them. But the senior policy makers within all the agencies here and particularly those unaccountable branches of the so-called security agencies, are entirely anti-republican, anti-nationalist and pro-union.
And these elements have an affinity with local unionism; the NIO for example is the main body for propagating unionist policy and still stands outside the equality agenda.
So it is easy to see why a British establishment panders to unionism.
It is also fairly easy to see how a British Prime Minister who wants to bring about change can be challenged at many levels within his own system.
For example, the continuing power and influence of the securocrats is evident in the on-going attempts by the British system to hide its real role in Ireland over three decades of conflict.
The British government's refusal to co-operate with the Barron Inquiry into the Dublin Monaghan bombings, the obstruction of the Saville Inquiry at all levels of the British system, the refusal to publish the Cory report and establish independent judicial inquiries and the continuing refusal of the PSNI to disclose vital information to inquest hearings are all symptomatic of a culture of concealment which infects the entire British system.
It is worth looking at British strategy.
Notionally it could be argued that British strategic objectives until the Good Friday Agreement were quite limited.
To defeat the IRA.
To bring about a coalition of Ulster Unionism and the SDLP.
To bring in a limited process of change which would satisfy these political interests and to gain Irish government political support for this.
In other words the ingredients of a classical and limited pacification programme when what was and is required is a conflict resolution process. The Good Friday Agreement changed this. It committed the British government to such an approach.
How wedded or united the British political leadership was to this approach is a matter of opinion. What is for certain is that other elements of the British system did not buy into the new dispensation. They were wedded to the old agenda and to pursuing the old objectives.
But in any case none of these three political objectives materialised.
The IRA was not defeated. And after ten years of cessations the question of beating the IRA or trying to demoralise, split or humiliate it should no longer be an issue.
Unless of course no value is placed on the IRA's support for the development of the peace process and its endeavours to facilitate a sustainable process of change to build the peace or unless Sinn Fein?s peace strategy and our contribution to the process which includes our efforts to bring an end of physical force, is to be set to one side.
The coalition most favoured by the British government did not work even when it came together in a partial form in the first term of the Assembly.
Instead, the crisis within political unionism dominated Assembly politics.
And finally the Good Friday Agreement was a charter for very significant change, not least because republicans were part of negotiating it.
So instead of a limited process of change the British government signed up for a fundamental transformation in which the Irish government is a joint and co-equal partner in the shared responsibility for its implementation.
In fact Mr. Blair on October 17th 2002 claimed that this was such a vast undertaking that 'only in the first flush of a new government could we have contemplated it.'
I'm not seeking to exaggerate the radical or progressive nature of the Good Friday Agreement, although there are both radical and progressive elements in it.
But it is in essence a compromise which republicans and nationalists have signed up to even though some may feel that it falls short of what we are entitled to or expect.
It is a charter for change, which deals with a spectrum of issues.
Apart from anything else, it points up the width and depth of the denial of people's rights and is an indicator of what has to be done if these rights are to be restored.
This is necessary as a point of principle and also in order to anchor a peace process through a programme of sustainable change which shows that politics works.
So, in order to advance this entire process of change a British government was required to press ahead with all its commitments. By so doing peoples rights and entitlements would have been secured.
It would also have changed the political conditions here in such a way as to encourage pragmatic unionism while thwarting rejectionist unionism.
Instead the tactical approach of the last 5 years has encouraged the rejectionists.
This cannot continue.
This is not to underestimate the progress that has been made. There is now a profound difference in the political landscape here and everyone involved, including the British Prime Minister, the Taoiseach and the leaders of pragmatic unionism are to be commended for their contribution.
The Irish government has played a significant and essential role in this process. But the challenges facing it are every bit as daunting as those facing London.
Arguably an Irish government required different or at least additional and more far-reaching strategic objectives than a British government. Any consideration by Dublin advisors or Ministers of a way forward has to consider whether its objectives for the last five years were devised to promote Irish national and democratic interests and the rights of Irish citizens. Or were its objectives the same as the British?
The Good Friday Agreement is an all-Ireland Agreement. While its cutting edge was to create a changed political landscape in the north, because it is an all-Ireland agreement it effects all parts of the island.
But that too brings difficulties and conservative elements have been uncomfortable with such a prospect, because it involves change in the southern state, and particularly as this has been accompanied by a repopularisation of republicanism - national and democratic ideals - and a growing support for Sinn Féin.
So at times those in the Dublin political establishment who know better have put party political electoral or narrow self interest above the national interest, and the interests of the peace process.
At other times the failure of the Irish government to prevent the British government from breaching the Agreement has caused difficulties throughout nationalist Ireland.
Maybe with the best will in the world an Irish government could not have stopped a British government from departing from its commitments, but the effects of this on national morale cannot be ignored especially because people from all over Ireland voted for the Agreement and the Irish constitution was changed on the understanding that the Good Friday Agreement would be implemented.
So any perception that the British are taking the Irish government for granted is a cause of concern.
Republicans are not exempt from criticism and on a number of occasions I have acknowledged this in a very public way.
But sometimes I have to say that some of this criticism is without foundation. It gives succour to those who claim that no matter what republicans do it will not be enough.
There is criticism, for example, of what is referred to as a lack of transparency on the IRAs acts of putting arms beyond use.
This criticism ignores the enormity of this issue for the IRA and its support base. But more importantly it ignores the Good Friday Agreement position on weapons and the role of the IICD.
It also ignores the issue of other weapons in use in the hands of unionist paramilitaries and British state forces, as against the IRA's silenced arms. And it ignores the lengths to which the British system has gone to protect their state agencies, which put guns into the hands of unionist paramilitaries.
All of this was brought very much into stark profile when the sequence of initiatives agreed for last October 21st was aborted by Mr. Trimble, after republicans honoured commitments as part of an agreed sequence of statements and actions.
Mr. Trimble's commitments and probably more importantly at this time, the British government and Irish government's commitments have been put on hold. Neither government has moved one inch on the commitments which they made.
Only Sinn Fein and the IRA upheld their parts of the agreed sequence.
This has caused profound difficulties for the Sinn Fein leadership. And the irony of it all is that there is no doubt, even among its detractors and opponents, about the significance of the IRA's act. This has been acknowledged by governments and rejectionist unionists alike.
Despite what happened consequently I want to make it clear that I stand over the remarks I made that day.
I set out a peaceful direction for republicans because I believe that is the proper position. But myself and Martin McGuinness and others had negotiated and received commitments from London, Dublin and the UUP leadership which persuaded the IRA leadership to put beyond use the largest amount of arms to date. And also to set out its view of my remarks.
It was bad enough that Mr. Trimble walked away from this but there is little that can be done about that now.
But the two governments can fulfil their commitments and it is intolerable that the British and Irish governments have not done so.
They have also failed to provide any satisfactory explanation for reneging on their commitments.
All of this brings us back to the Assembly elections which could have been conducted in a positive atmosphere and which could have seen the process move decisively forward, if others had kept their commitments.
It is unfortunate that for their own reasons others did not see the merit in this. But the elections did see Sinn Féin make a significant and historic breakthrough emerging with the second highest vote, an increased number of seats and our status confirmed as the largest nationalist party in the north, and the third largest on the island.
But of course none of this counts. Britannia waves the rules. The electoral rights of all those citizens who voted for our party and all the pro-Agreement parties are set aside by the British government and the Sinn Fein electorate is told that we have to pass a series of tests before we are acceptable.
It is rather ironic that those who are loudest on this issue also demand that their mandate has to be respected and British Ministers who have no mandate here whatsoever can change the rules to suit their government.
Most nationalists have no real conviction that the DUP will move speedily to engage with the current process.
They voted for Sinn Fein in this knowledge also.
Let me reiterate Sinn Fein's attitude to the DUP. Sinn Féin sets no preconditions whatsoever on talking to the DUP. Neither are we against sharing power with them, despite the record of some of its most senior members.
Our record shows clearly that we are for the peace process, the political process and the wider process of conflict resolution. This is unchallengeable.
So what does the DUP vote mean?
It means that they succeeded in mopping up all the anti-Agreement sentiment in the last Assembly. And with the transfer of Jeffrey Donaldson and his colleagues from the UUP, there is now a quantifiable and significant unionist majority in the Assembly against the Good Friday Agreement.
They now can count on 34 anti-agreement votes in the Assembly. On the other hand the pro-agreement parties can marshal 74 votes.
Indeed those who promote the second Assembly election results as a 'victory for the extremes' are seeking to serve some other agenda by camouflaging the realities behind the vote. The majority of people want the Agreement to work and they are represented by two thirds of the MLAs.
One third, the DUP, have a desire to destroy the Agreement, ignore the wishes of the Irish and British people, and turn the clock back to the bad old days of domination and supremacy of one section of people over another.
But they know, if they reflect at all, that this cannot happen. The process of change can be frustrated or delayed, but it cannot be stopped.
The DUP can be moved. And there is no doubt that unionism; even of the Paisleyite kind will have to face in time the same reality that led the UUP to agree the Good Friday Agreement.
But this will take too long and the process of change and the rights of citizens cannot wait.
The two governments have to face up to that reality.
Sinn Féin believes completely in the need to build relationships with unionism. The dialogue between the UUP and us was a central part of our strategy and we are determined despite all the difficulties to deepen and extend this dialogue to all elements of unionism.
The DUP has an opportunity to demonstrate its good intentions, but it must not be allowed to use the review to unravel the progress we have made.
The principles, structures and obligations of the Agreement cannot and must not be subverted.
The review as set out in the Good Friday Agreement is about improving the delivery of the Agreement. It was never envisaged that it would take place during a suspension of institutions ? indeed the British government has no right to suspend the institutions, and had to step outside the Agreement to unilaterally take that power on themselves.
The review was never meant to deal with a process which is on hold. So while the review may find there are ways of improving the delivery of the Agreement it cannot resolve the current difficulties.
Sinn Féin will bring a positive attitude to the review even though it can only perform a limited function and must therefore be short, sharp and focussed, as the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister promised.
Sinn Fein has asked that the review be completed within a month. In reality it could be conducted in a week. Any attempt to make it a protracted exercise has to be resisted.
And the two governments have to be energised in how they approach the next phase.
With the application of proper strategies and political will I believe the process can be moved on.
However, if the next five years is to be a continuation of the past five years, then we face continuous stalemate, stagnation and eventual breakdown. No political process could be sustained on such a diet.
This places a heavy responsibility on the two governments ? and especially on Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern ? to provide the essential political leadership that this dangerous crisis urgently demands.
As the leaders of the two sovereign governments and the joint and co-equal guarantors of the Agreement, it falls to them to marshal the pro-Agreement forces and implement a strategy to defeat the wreckers and move the process forward.
This may mean the pro-Agreement, pro-peace parties and governments agreeing and setting out an agenda for progress. Obviously such a task is outside the remit of the review and may require a different mechanism.
But whatever else happens the British government must lift the suspension of the institutions and allow the process defined in the Agreement to take its course.
It also means that the two governments have to honour their obligations made in the Agreement, made in last years Joint Declaration and in subsequent discussions.
We were told this would happen, irrespective of the outcome of the election.
It hasn't.
On the contrary there has been a paralysis affecting all of the many matters which are the responsibility of the two governments and which are of particular concern to nationalists and republicans.
The institutions remain suspended.
Important changes on policing and on the transfer of powers on policing and justice are now on hold.
The programme of Demilitarisation outlined in the Joint Declaration has not materialised.
The deep rooted and serious problems around the Human Rights Commission, and the Equality Commission, have not been resolved. The issues they are meant to address are not resolved.
And promises on the Irish language issue have not been delivered. In fact the Irish government has failed even to seek official status for the language in the EU.
The anomalous situation of people On The Run continues.
The rights of northern citizens to participate in southern institutions are continuously long fingered.
This sends out entirely the wrong message.
The reality is that when the governments decide to do something they do it.
The suspension of the institutions and the introduction of the International Monitoring Commission are proof of this.
But it appears to nationalists and republicans that the governments are going to let the DUP set the agenda in respect of citizens rights and entitlements. This is unacceptable.
Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern must do what they promised without any further delay.
Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern also know that a vacuum will encourage those who want to tear down this process.
They have to build trust and confidence back into a process badly damaged, especially at this time, by their failure to keep to commitments.
For our part republicans recognise that building peace is a collective endeavour.
We have demonstrated time and time again our preparedness to take risks for peace; to reach out to others; to seek to build new and better relationships between the people of this island and between us and the people of Britain.
In the time ahead we all of us have to refocus on what is needed to make the Agreement viable and successful.
No matter how daunting, tedious and frustrating this may be there is no alternative way forward and the resolution of the difficulties will only be found through dialogue and keeping commitments made.
Whatever solutions this involves will emerge in the time ahead. For now I can say with certainty that progress will not be secured by pandering to rejectionists or recycling the distractions, diversions and the failed policies of the past.
One thing is certain change will continue - you like all our young people - all our people of all ages - are entitled to and you will have a future based on equality, justice and freedom.
Two Governments "must do what they promised" - Adams
Published: 15 January, 2004
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP MLA in a major speech today in St. Malachy's College in North Belfast has warned that there "there is undoubtedly a dangerous and deeply worrying sense of drift in the political situation since the Assembly elections in November."
In his address to students at St. Malachy's College in Belfast the Sinn Féin leader describes as "intolerable" the failure of the two governments to fulfil their commitments or providing "any satisfactory explanation for reneging on their commitments."
Mr. Adams says that it "appears to nationalists and republicans that the governments will now let the DUP set the agenda in respect of citizens rights and entitlements. This is unacceptable."
The Sinn Féin leader also assesses the contribution of the two governments, of republicans, the Ulster unionists and the position of the DUP.
He believes the current difficulties "are rooted in the British government's tactical approach to the Good Friday Agreement.
In other words, for the last five years rather than fully implementing the Agreement over all its aspects and particularly those elements for which the British government has direct responsibility, London has proceeded at a pace which the UUP and its own government agencies were prepared to tolerate.
In order to understand why it did so it is important to appreciate that the British government is a unionist government. Not unionist of the Irish variety but British unionism."
The Sinn Féin leader also examines British strategy and concludes that none of its objectives have been achieved.
"The IRA was not defeated. And after ten years of cessations the question of beating the IRA or trying to demoralise, split or humiliate it should no longer be an issue.
Unless of course no value is placed on the IRA's support for the development of the peace process and its endeavours to facilitate a sustainable process of change to build the peace or unless Sinn Fein's peace strategy and our contribution to the process which includes our efforts to bring an end of physical force, is to be set to one side.
The Sinn Fein President expressed deep concern about the continuing power and influence of the securocrats; "
Mr. Adams also examines the role of the Irish government and the fact that at times there are those in the Dublin political establishment who know better who "have put party political electoral or narrow self interest above the national interest, and the interests of the peace process.
At other times the failure of the Irish government to prevent the British government from breaching the Agreement has caused difficulties throughout nationalist Ireland."
Of the Ulster Unionist Party and the DUP Mr. Adams says; "Sinn Féin believes completely in the need to build relationships with unionism. The dialogue between the UUP and us was a central part of our strategy and we are determined despite all the difficulties to deepen and extend this dialogue to all elements of unionism.
Mr. Adams sets out Sinn Féin's attitude to the DUP; "Sinn Féin sets no preconditions whatsoever on talking to the DUP. Neither are we against sharing power with them, despite the record of some of its most senior members."
However, he points out that while 74 or two thirds of the Assembly are pro-Agreement, one third, the DUP has a "desire is to destroy the Agreement, ignore the wishes of the Irish and British people, and turn the clock back to the bad old days of domination and supremacy of one section of people over another.
But they know, if they reflect at all, that this cannot happen. The process of change can be frustrated or delayed, but it cannot be stopped.
The DUP can be moved. And there is no doubt that unionism; even of the Paisleyite kind will have to face in time the same reality that led the UUP to agree the Good Friday Agreement.
But this will take too long and the process of change and the rights of citizens cannot wait."
On the Review the Sinn Féin President says: "The principles, structures and obligations of the Agreement cannot and must not be subverted.
The review as set out in the Good Friday Agreement is about improving the delivery of the Agreement. It was never envisaged that it would take place during suspension of institutions indeed the British government had no right to suspend the institutions, and had to step outside the Agreement to unilaterally take that power on themselves.
The review was never meant to deal with a process which is on hold. So while the review may find there are ways of improving the delivery of the Agreement it cannot resolve the current difficulties.
Sinn Féin will bring a positive attitude to the review even though the review can only perform a limited function and must therefore be short, sharp and focussed, as the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister promised.
Sinn Fein has asked that the review be completed within a month. In reality it could be conducted in a week. Any attempt to make it a protracted exercise has to be resisted. "
Finally, and despite a warning that no political process could be sustained on a diet of the last five years and of continuous stalemate, stagnation and eventual breakdown, Gerry Adams expresses confidence that; "With the application of proper strategies I believe the process can be moved on.
This places a heavy responsibility on the two governments ' but especially on Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern ' to provide the essential political leadership that this dangerous crisis urgently demands.
As the leaders of the two sovereign governments and the joint and co-equal guarantors of the Agreement, it falls to them to marshal the pro-Agreement forces and implement a strategy to defeat the wreckers and move the process forward.
This may mean the pro-Agreement, pro-peace parties and governments agreeing and setting out an agenda for progress. Obviously such a task is outside the remit of the review and may require a different mechanism.
But whatever else happens the British government must lift the suspension of the institutions and allow the process defined in the Agreement to take its course.
It also means that the two governments have to honour their obligations made in the Agreement, made in last years Joint Declaration and made in subsequent discussions."
Full Text of Speech:
Two Governments "must do what they promised" - Adams
There is undoubtedly a dangerous and deeply worrying sense of drift in the political situation since the Assembly elections in November.
Instead of stable political institutions with the people's elected representatives making decisions on important issues which affect all our lives, across a range of social and economic issues; instead of a fully operational Assembly and all-Ireland institutions leading the delivery of change, advancing the equality agenda and championing a human rights based society; we have continuing impasse and an ever deepening political crisis.
Some commentators argue that the last election caused all this. That is nonsense.
Yes, there are difficulties, major difficulties. However it is my view that these difficulties can be resolved.
A starting point for this can only be found in an accurate analysis of the current situation.
The difficulties did not begin when or because the people cast their votes.
They are rooted in the British government's tactical approach to the Good Friday Agreement.
In other words, for the last five years rather than fully implementing the Agreement over all its aspects and particularly those elements for which the British government has direct responsibility, London has proceeded at a pace which the UUP and its own government agencies were prepared to tolerate.
In order to understand why it did so it is important to appreciate that the British government is a unionist government. Not unionist of the Irish variety but British unionism.
But it is prepared to modernise and in terms of the Good Friday Agreement Mr. Blair's government was moved to a range of all-Ireland positions, and British policy has been shifted quite profoundly, including on the status of the union.
But in a state like this which is entirely unionist in its ethos, symbolism and management, any effort to modernise is bound to be very challenging indeed.
And it isn't just about the section of people here who are unionist. I think that they know that London has little loyalty to them. But the senior policy makers within all the agencies here and particularly those unaccountable branches of the so-called security agencies, are entirely anti-republican, anti-nationalist and pro-union.
And these elements have an affinity with local unionism; the NIO for example is the main body for propagating unionist policy and still stands outside the equality agenda.
So it is easy to see why a British establishment panders to unionism.
It is also fairly easy to see how a British Prime Minister who wants to bring about change can be challenged at many levels within his own system.
For example, the continuing power and influence of the securocrats is evident in the on-going attempts by the British system to hide its real role in Ireland over three decades of conflict.
The British government's refusal to co-operate with the Barron Inquiry into the Dublin Monaghan bombings, the obstruction of the Saville Inquiry at all levels of the British system, the refusal to publish the Cory report and establish independent judicial inquiries and the continuing refusal of the PSNI to disclose vital information to inquest hearings are all symptomatic of a culture of concealment which infects the entire British system.
It is worth looking at British strategy.
Notionally it could be argued that British strategic objectives until the Good Friday Agreement were quite limited.
To defeat the IRA.
To bring about a coalition of Ulster Unionism and the SDLP.
To bring in a limited process of change which would satisfy these political interests and to gain Irish government political support for this.
In other words the ingredients of a classical and limited pacification programme when what was and is required is a conflict resolution process. The Good Friday Agreement changed this. It committed the British government to such an approach.
How wedded or united the British political leadership was to this approach is a matter of opinion. What is for certain is that other elements of the British system did not buy into the new dispensation. They were wedded to the old agenda and to pursuing the old objectives.
But in any case none of these three political objectives materialised.
The IRA was not defeated. And after ten years of cessations the question of beating the IRA or trying to demoralise, split or humiliate it should no longer be an issue.
Unless of course no value is placed on the IRA's support for the development of the peace process and its endeavours to facilitate a sustainable process of change to build the peace or unless Sinn Fein?s peace strategy and our contribution to the process which includes our efforts to bring an end of physical force, is to be set to one side.
The coalition most favoured by the British government did not work even when it came together in a partial form in the first term of the Assembly.
Instead, the crisis within political unionism dominated Assembly politics.
And finally the Good Friday Agreement was a charter for very significant change, not least because republicans were part of negotiating it.
So instead of a limited process of change the British government signed up for a fundamental transformation in which the Irish government is a joint and co-equal partner in the shared responsibility for its implementation.
In fact Mr. Blair on October 17th 2002 claimed that this was such a vast undertaking that 'only in the first flush of a new government could we have contemplated it.'
I'm not seeking to exaggerate the radical or progressive nature of the Good Friday Agreement, although there are both radical and progressive elements in it.
But it is in essence a compromise which republicans and nationalists have signed up to even though some may feel that it falls short of what we are entitled to or expect.
It is a charter for change, which deals with a spectrum of issues.
Apart from anything else, it points up the width and depth of the denial of people's rights and is an indicator of what has to be done if these rights are to be restored.
This is necessary as a point of principle and also in order to anchor a peace process through a programme of sustainable change which shows that politics works.
So, in order to advance this entire process of change a British government was required to press ahead with all its commitments. By so doing peoples rights and entitlements would have been secured.
It would also have changed the political conditions here in such a way as to encourage pragmatic unionism while thwarting rejectionist unionism.
Instead the tactical approach of the last 5 years has encouraged the rejectionists.
This cannot continue.
This is not to underestimate the progress that has been made. There is now a profound difference in the political landscape here and everyone involved, including the British Prime Minister, the Taoiseach and the leaders of pragmatic unionism are to be commended for their contribution.
The Irish government has played a significant and essential role in this process. But the challenges facing it are every bit as daunting as those facing London.
Arguably an Irish government required different or at least additional and more far-reaching strategic objectives than a British government. Any consideration by Dublin advisors or Ministers of a way forward has to consider whether its objectives for the last five years were devised to promote Irish national and democratic interests and the rights of Irish citizens. Or were its objectives the same as the British?
The Good Friday Agreement is an all-Ireland Agreement. While its cutting edge was to create a changed political landscape in the north, because it is an all-Ireland agreement it effects all parts of the island.
But that too brings difficulties and conservative elements have been uncomfortable with such a prospect, because it involves change in the southern state, and particularly as this has been accompanied by a repopularisation of republicanism - national and democratic ideals - and a growing support for Sinn Féin.
So at times those in the Dublin political establishment who know better have put party political electoral or narrow self interest above the national interest, and the interests of the peace process.
At other times the failure of the Irish government to prevent the British government from breaching the Agreement has caused difficulties throughout nationalist Ireland.
Maybe with the best will in the world an Irish government could not have stopped a British government from departing from its commitments, but the effects of this on national morale cannot be ignored especially because people from all over Ireland voted for the Agreement and the Irish constitution was changed on the understanding that the Good Friday Agreement would be implemented.
So any perception that the British are taking the Irish government for granted is a cause of concern.
Republicans are not exempt from criticism and on a number of occasions I have acknowledged this in a very public way.
But sometimes I have to say that some of this criticism is without foundation. It gives succour to those who claim that no matter what republicans do it will not be enough.
There is criticism, for example, of what is referred to as a lack of transparency on the IRAs acts of putting arms beyond use.
This criticism ignores the enormity of this issue for the IRA and its support base. But more importantly it ignores the Good Friday Agreement position on weapons and the role of the IICD.
It also ignores the issue of other weapons in use in the hands of unionist paramilitaries and British state forces, as against the IRA's silenced arms. And it ignores the lengths to which the British system has gone to protect their state agencies, which put guns into the hands of unionist paramilitaries.
All of this was brought very much into stark profile when the sequence of initiatives agreed for last October 21st was aborted by Mr. Trimble, after republicans honoured commitments as part of an agreed sequence of statements and actions.
Mr. Trimble's commitments and probably more importantly at this time, the British government and Irish government's commitments have been put on hold. Neither government has moved one inch on the commitments which they made.
Only Sinn Fein and the IRA upheld their parts of the agreed sequence.
This has caused profound difficulties for the Sinn Fein leadership. And the irony of it all is that there is no doubt, even among its detractors and opponents, about the significance of the IRA's act. This has been acknowledged by governments and rejectionist unionists alike.
Despite what happened consequently I want to make it clear that I stand over the remarks I made that day.
I set out a peaceful direction for republicans because I believe that is the proper position. But myself and Martin McGuinness and others had negotiated and received commitments from London, Dublin and the UUP leadership which persuaded the IRA leadership to put beyond use the largest amount of arms to date. And also to set out its view of my remarks.
It was bad enough that Mr. Trimble walked away from this but there is little that can be done about that now.
But the two governments can fulfil their commitments and it is intolerable that the British and Irish governments have not done so.
They have also failed to provide any satisfactory explanation for reneging on their commitments.
All of this brings us back to the Assembly elections which could have been conducted in a positive atmosphere and which could have seen the process move decisively forward, if others had kept their commitments.
It is unfortunate that for their own reasons others did not see the merit in this. But the elections did see Sinn Féin make a significant and historic breakthrough emerging with the second highest vote, an increased number of seats and our status confirmed as the largest nationalist party in the north, and the third largest on the island.
But of course none of this counts. Britannia waves the rules. The electoral rights of all those citizens who voted for our party and all the pro-Agreement parties are set aside by the British government and the Sinn Fein electorate is told that we have to pass a series of tests before we are acceptable.
It is rather ironic that those who are loudest on this issue also demand that their mandate has to be respected and British Ministers who have no mandate here whatsoever can change the rules to suit their government.
Most nationalists have no real conviction that the DUP will move speedily to engage with the current process.
They voted for Sinn Fein in this knowledge also.
Let me reiterate Sinn Fein's attitude to the DUP. Sinn Féin sets no preconditions whatsoever on talking to the DUP. Neither are we against sharing power with them, despite the record of some of its most senior members.
Our record shows clearly that we are for the peace process, the political process and the wider process of conflict resolution. This is unchallengeable.
So what does the DUP vote mean?
It means that they succeeded in mopping up all the anti-Agreement sentiment in the last Assembly. And with the transfer of Jeffrey Donaldson and his colleagues from the UUP, there is now a quantifiable and significant unionist majority in the Assembly against the Good Friday Agreement.
They now can count on 34 anti-agreement votes in the Assembly. On the other hand the pro-agreement parties can marshal 74 votes.
Indeed those who promote the second Assembly election results as a 'victory for the extremes' are seeking to serve some other agenda by camouflaging the realities behind the vote. The majority of people want the Agreement to work and they are represented by two thirds of the MLAs.
One third, the DUP, have a desire to destroy the Agreement, ignore the wishes of the Irish and British people, and turn the clock back to the bad old days of domination and supremacy of one section of people over another.
But they know, if they reflect at all, that this cannot happen. The process of change can be frustrated or delayed, but it cannot be stopped.
The DUP can be moved. And there is no doubt that unionism; even of the Paisleyite kind will have to face in time the same reality that led the UUP to agree the Good Friday Agreement.
But this will take too long and the process of change and the rights of citizens cannot wait.
The two governments have to face up to that reality.
Sinn Féin believes completely in the need to build relationships with unionism. The dialogue between the UUP and us was a central part of our strategy and we are determined despite all the difficulties to deepen and extend this dialogue to all elements of unionism.
The DUP has an opportunity to demonstrate its good intentions, but it must not be allowed to use the review to unravel the progress we have made.
The principles, structures and obligations of the Agreement cannot and must not be subverted.
The review as set out in the Good Friday Agreement is about improving the delivery of the Agreement. It was never envisaged that it would take place during a suspension of institutions ? indeed the British government has no right to suspend the institutions, and had to step outside the Agreement to unilaterally take that power on themselves.
The review was never meant to deal with a process which is on hold. So while the review may find there are ways of improving the delivery of the Agreement it cannot resolve the current difficulties.
Sinn Féin will bring a positive attitude to the review even though it can only perform a limited function and must therefore be short, sharp and focussed, as the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister promised.
Sinn Fein has asked that the review be completed within a month. In reality it could be conducted in a week. Any attempt to make it a protracted exercise has to be resisted.
And the two governments have to be energised in how they approach the next phase.
With the application of proper strategies and political will I believe the process can be moved on.
However, if the next five years is to be a continuation of the past five years, then we face continuous stalemate, stagnation and eventual breakdown. No political process could be sustained on such a diet.
This places a heavy responsibility on the two governments ? and especially on Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern ? to provide the essential political leadership that this dangerous crisis urgently demands.
As the leaders of the two sovereign governments and the joint and co-equal guarantors of the Agreement, it falls to them to marshal the pro-Agreement forces and implement a strategy to defeat the wreckers and move the process forward.
This may mean the pro-Agreement, pro-peace parties and governments agreeing and setting out an agenda for progress. Obviously such a task is outside the remit of the review and may require a different mechanism.
But whatever else happens the British government must lift the suspension of the institutions and allow the process defined in the Agreement to take its course.
It also means that the two governments have to honour their obligations made in the Agreement, made in last years Joint Declaration and in subsequent discussions.
We were told this would happen, irrespective of the outcome of the election.
It hasn't.
On the contrary there has been a paralysis affecting all of the many matters which are the responsibility of the two governments and which are of particular concern to nationalists and republicans.
The institutions remain suspended.
Important changes on policing and on the transfer of powers on policing and justice are now on hold.
The programme of Demilitarisation outlined in the Joint Declaration has not materialised.
The deep rooted and serious problems around the Human Rights Commission, and the Equality Commission, have not been resolved. The issues they are meant to address are not resolved.
And promises on the Irish language issue have not been delivered. In fact the Irish government has failed even to seek official status for the language in the EU.
The anomalous situation of people On The Run continues.
The rights of northern citizens to participate in southern institutions are continuously long fingered.
This sends out entirely the wrong message.
The reality is that when the governments decide to do something they do it.
The suspension of the institutions and the introduction of the International Monitoring Commission are proof of this.
But it appears to nationalists and republicans that the governments are going to let the DUP set the agenda in respect of citizens rights and entitlements. This is unacceptable.
Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern must do what they promised without any further delay.
Mr. Blair and Mr. Ahern also know that a vacuum will encourage those who want to tear down this process.
They have to build trust and confidence back into a process badly damaged, especially at this time, by their failure to keep to commitments.
For our part republicans recognise that building peace is a collective endeavour.
We have demonstrated time and time again our preparedness to take risks for peace; to reach out to others; to seek to build new and better relationships between the people of this island and between us and the people of Britain.
In the time ahead we all of us have to refocus on what is needed to make the Agreement viable and successful.
No matter how daunting, tedious and frustrating this may be there is no alternative way forward and the resolution of the difficulties will only be found through dialogue and keeping commitments made.
Whatever solutions this involves will emerge in the time ahead. For now I can say with certainty that progress will not be secured by pandering to rejectionists or recycling the distractions, diversions and the failed policies of the past.
One thing is certain change will continue - you like all our young people - all our people of all ages - are entitled to and you will have a future based on equality, justice and freedom.
SINN FÉIN
Blair Remarks Challenged by McLaughlin
Published: 16 January, 2004
Sinn Fein National party Chairperson Mitchel McLaughlin speaking in Waterford today where he was joined by Munster EU candidate David Cullinanethis morning said:
"The British Prime Minister‚s comments on Thursday appear to confirm the fears expressed by Gerry Adams that the British government is intent on breaking its commitments in the Joint Declaration and the Good Friday Agreement.
The reality is that on October 21st last year the British government was party to an agreed sequence of events that would have seen a functioning Executive quickly established.
Sinn Fein, the British and Irish governments and the Ulster unionists had, after negotiations, agreed and exchanged in advance what were to be our respective public positions.
Only Sinn Féin and the IRA upheld their parts of the agreed sequence.
The positions agreed by others were then put on hold by the decision of Mr. Trimble.
The UUP walked away from that agreement. Because of that the British are now asking more of republicans. This is blatant bad faith.
It is quite evident that the British government has once again shifted the goal posts, and to the applause of rejectionist unionism.
All of this seriously erodes what little confidence and trust there is in the process. It makes resolving the current difficulties much more problematic.
"Mr. Blair seeks to disingenuously place the onus for progress solely on unionists and republicans. However, hard he tries he cannot absolve himself or his government from the current mess.
It is British government strategy and its tactical approach to the implementation of the Agreement, which has encouraged rejectionist unionism. Whatever responsibilities rest with Sinn Fein and the unionists the primary responsibility at this time rests on the two governments but particularly the British government.
It is intolerable that the British government has failed to fulfill their obligations. Progress is dependent on this. Confidence and trust is dependent on this."
Blair Remarks Challenged by McLaughlin
Published: 16 January, 2004
Sinn Fein National party Chairperson Mitchel McLaughlin speaking in Waterford today where he was joined by Munster EU candidate David Cullinanethis morning said:
"The British Prime Minister‚s comments on Thursday appear to confirm the fears expressed by Gerry Adams that the British government is intent on breaking its commitments in the Joint Declaration and the Good Friday Agreement.
The reality is that on October 21st last year the British government was party to an agreed sequence of events that would have seen a functioning Executive quickly established.
Sinn Fein, the British and Irish governments and the Ulster unionists had, after negotiations, agreed and exchanged in advance what were to be our respective public positions.
Only Sinn Féin and the IRA upheld their parts of the agreed sequence.
The positions agreed by others were then put on hold by the decision of Mr. Trimble.
The UUP walked away from that agreement. Because of that the British are now asking more of republicans. This is blatant bad faith.
It is quite evident that the British government has once again shifted the goal posts, and to the applause of rejectionist unionism.
All of this seriously erodes what little confidence and trust there is in the process. It makes resolving the current difficulties much more problematic.
"Mr. Blair seeks to disingenuously place the onus for progress solely on unionists and republicans. However, hard he tries he cannot absolve himself or his government from the current mess.
It is British government strategy and its tactical approach to the implementation of the Agreement, which has encouraged rejectionist unionism. Whatever responsibilities rest with Sinn Fein and the unionists the primary responsibility at this time rests on the two governments but particularly the British government.
It is intolerable that the British government has failed to fulfill their obligations. Progress is dependent on this. Confidence and trust is dependent on this."
IOL: Bomb scares spark traffic chaos
Bomb scares spark traffic chaos
16/01/2004 - 10:10:00
Traffic in the Belfast area was brought to a virtual standstill today because of a series of bomb alerts.
Hours after agreement was reached in London to avert a UK-wide strike by prison officers in support of colleagues in Northern Ireland who have been threatened by loyalists, main roads were shut as British Army explosives experts checked abandoned vehicles.
They included the M1 motorway where rush-hour tailbacks stretched for miles.
Security chiefs believe Protestant paramilitaries were behind the incidents, which follow a major outbreak of violence and destruction at Maghaberry Prison, near Lisburn, Co Antrim, causing damage running into tens of thousands of pounds.
Political representatives claim heightening tensions over a delay in segregating their men inside the jail from republicans are being used by prison staff to strengthen their demands on the British government.
Details of the agreement hammered out in London last night are expected to be released later, but authorities in Belfast believe today’s massive traffic disruption confirmed fears there will no end to the loyalist violence at Maghaberry even after both sides are kept apart in accommodation which cost more than £7m (€10.2m) to arrange.
Prison officers claim they are also living under the threat of attack from the IRA after details of 1,400 staff were among files and documents stolen by republicans from government offices in Belfast.
Northern Ireland Office officials agreed to spend up to £28m (€40.6m) increasing protection measures at homes, but union representatives insisted more was needed.
Bomb scares spark traffic chaos
16/01/2004 - 10:10:00
Traffic in the Belfast area was brought to a virtual standstill today because of a series of bomb alerts.
Hours after agreement was reached in London to avert a UK-wide strike by prison officers in support of colleagues in Northern Ireland who have been threatened by loyalists, main roads were shut as British Army explosives experts checked abandoned vehicles.
They included the M1 motorway where rush-hour tailbacks stretched for miles.
Security chiefs believe Protestant paramilitaries were behind the incidents, which follow a major outbreak of violence and destruction at Maghaberry Prison, near Lisburn, Co Antrim, causing damage running into tens of thousands of pounds.
Political representatives claim heightening tensions over a delay in segregating their men inside the jail from republicans are being used by prison staff to strengthen their demands on the British government.
Details of the agreement hammered out in London last night are expected to be released later, but authorities in Belfast believe today’s massive traffic disruption confirmed fears there will no end to the loyalist violence at Maghaberry even after both sides are kept apart in accommodation which cost more than £7m (€10.2m) to arrange.
Prison officers claim they are also living under the threat of attack from the IRA after details of 1,400 staff were among files and documents stolen by republicans from government offices in Belfast.
Northern Ireland Office officials agreed to spend up to £28m (€40.6m) increasing protection measures at homes, but union representatives insisted more was needed.
Irish Examiner> Breaking News> Homes of Sinn Féin members attacked
15/01/2004 - 9:30:06 PM
Homes of Sinn Féin members attacked
Republicans were tonight told to be on their guard against attacks from loyalist paramilitaries after the homes of two Sinn Féin members had ball bearings fired at them.
Councillor Paul Butler urged his colleagues to be vigilant after his home and the house of West Belfast Assembly member Fra McCann were attacked.
The Red Hand Defenders, a cover name used by both the Ulster Defence Association and the Loyalist Volunteer Force, claimed responsibility for both incidents.
Police confirmed that they found a ball bearing in the garden of Mr Butler’s home but the attack on Mr McCann’s house was not reported to them.
The ball bearing managed to break the bullet-proof window on Mr Butler’s house, which had been targeted on a number of occasions by loyalists.
The Lisburn councillor said: “This incident reminds all of us that republicans need to be vigilant.
“It also has alarming repercussions at this time when there is a political vacuum.
“I think it also raises questions as to how loyalist groups who have been carrying out this sort of attack are getting intelligence information about where Sinn Féin councillors and republicans live.”
Mr Butler said the attack happened around 9.30pm yesterday. He had received several death threats through the post and graffiti warning him that his life was in danger appeared in a loyalist neighbourhood.
15/01/2004 - 9:30:06 PM
Homes of Sinn Féin members attacked
Republicans were tonight told to be on their guard against attacks from loyalist paramilitaries after the homes of two Sinn Féin members had ball bearings fired at them.
Councillor Paul Butler urged his colleagues to be vigilant after his home and the house of West Belfast Assembly member Fra McCann were attacked.
The Red Hand Defenders, a cover name used by both the Ulster Defence Association and the Loyalist Volunteer Force, claimed responsibility for both incidents.
Police confirmed that they found a ball bearing in the garden of Mr Butler’s home but the attack on Mr McCann’s house was not reported to them.
The ball bearing managed to break the bullet-proof window on Mr Butler’s house, which had been targeted on a number of occasions by loyalists.
The Lisburn councillor said: “This incident reminds all of us that republicans need to be vigilant.
“It also has alarming repercussions at this time when there is a political vacuum.
“I think it also raises questions as to how loyalist groups who have been carrying out this sort of attack are getting intelligence information about where Sinn Féin councillors and republicans live.”
Mr Butler said the attack happened around 9.30pm yesterday. He had received several death threats through the post and graffiti warning him that his life was in danger appeared in a loyalist neighbourhood.
15.1.04
Irelandclick.com
We Say
JUDGE CORY PUTS BRITS IN THE DOCK
Comment
15 Jan 2003
Tony Blair's government has so much experience in appointing `yes
men' to positions of influence in Ireland, that it's hard to believe
they got it badly wrong in their selection of retired Canadian Judge
Peter Cory to investigate the most infamous cases of alleged
collusion here.
For rather than sit back and let the British Government snub his
hard-hitting report into the cases of Billy Wright, Rosemary Nelson,
Pat Finucane and Robert Hamill, Judge Cory has now contacted the
families involved to tell them that after his initial investigation,
he has recommended to the British that they set up public inquiries
into all four killings.
Prime Minister Blair actually went on the record to state that he
would publish the Judge's report and act on his recommendations.
Now, however, he's turning Turk, insisting that the reports can't be
published and that moving to inquiry stage is not as straightforward
as the natives or the learned judge might think.
There isn't any great surprise in the fact that we're being fed half-
truths and spin by Mr Blair, that is his stock in trade.
And after all, he has plenty to hide. A government which rewards the
murderers of Peter McBride by giving them an exalted position in its
armed forces isn't lightly going to blow the whistle on the spooks
and Special Branch men who pulled the strings of the loyalist
campaign of sectarian killings.
Especially since it's now a given that the use of loyalist gun-gangs
as an element of the war against the IRA was sanctioned at the very
highest levels of Cabinet.
However, much more worrying is the `don't-look-at-me-guv' attitude
of the Irish Government. They snapped to attention when HMG demanded a new body to punish Sinn Féin if the IRA lifts a finger to defend the nationalist people during the marching season.
But when faced with an abuse of power by the British Govenment which is as chilling as anything ever perpetrated in apartheid-era South Africa, Bertie and co can do more than twiddle their thumbs and look at their feet. Thank God for the resolve of the Finucane, Nelson and Hamill families — and for the grit and determination of the hundreds of ordinary nationalists whose loved ones were cut down in the British Government's Dirty War.
Their thirst for justice is in stark contrast to failure of the
Irish Government to stand up for the rights of Irish citizens who
were cut down over 30 years by loyalist paramilitaries controlled by
Godfathers with military titles and long-service police medals who
worked not from the backroom s of loyalist clubs but from government offices, complete with direct phone lines to Downing Street.
We Say
JUDGE CORY PUTS BRITS IN THE DOCK
Comment
15 Jan 2003
Tony Blair's government has so much experience in appointing `yes
men' to positions of influence in Ireland, that it's hard to believe
they got it badly wrong in their selection of retired Canadian Judge
Peter Cory to investigate the most infamous cases of alleged
collusion here.
For rather than sit back and let the British Government snub his
hard-hitting report into the cases of Billy Wright, Rosemary Nelson,
Pat Finucane and Robert Hamill, Judge Cory has now contacted the
families involved to tell them that after his initial investigation,
he has recommended to the British that they set up public inquiries
into all four killings.
Prime Minister Blair actually went on the record to state that he
would publish the Judge's report and act on his recommendations.
Now, however, he's turning Turk, insisting that the reports can't be
published and that moving to inquiry stage is not as straightforward
as the natives or the learned judge might think.
There isn't any great surprise in the fact that we're being fed half-
truths and spin by Mr Blair, that is his stock in trade.
And after all, he has plenty to hide. A government which rewards the
murderers of Peter McBride by giving them an exalted position in its
armed forces isn't lightly going to blow the whistle on the spooks
and Special Branch men who pulled the strings of the loyalist
campaign of sectarian killings.
Especially since it's now a given that the use of loyalist gun-gangs
as an element of the war against the IRA was sanctioned at the very
highest levels of Cabinet.
However, much more worrying is the `don't-look-at-me-guv' attitude
of the Irish Government. They snapped to attention when HMG demanded a new body to punish Sinn Féin if the IRA lifts a finger to defend the nationalist people during the marching season.
But when faced with an abuse of power by the British Govenment which is as chilling as anything ever perpetrated in apartheid-era South Africa, Bertie and co can do more than twiddle their thumbs and look at their feet. Thank God for the resolve of the Finucane, Nelson and Hamill families — and for the grit and determination of the hundreds of ordinary nationalists whose loved ones were cut down in the British Government's Dirty War.
Their thirst for justice is in stark contrast to failure of the
Irish Government to stand up for the rights of Irish citizens who
were cut down over 30 years by loyalist paramilitaries controlled by
Godfathers with military titles and long-service police medals who
worked not from the backroom s of loyalist clubs but from government offices, complete with direct phone lines to Downing Street.
Irelandclick.com
Judge for yourself
15 Jan 2003
With a decision expected in the next few weeks that will determine
the fate of the Colombia Three, Jarlath Kearney focuses on the
report, `Colombia: Judge for Yourself', which discredits much of the
so-called evidence and accusations levelled against the trio, Martin
McCauley, Niall Connolly and Jim Monaghan
With judgement in the trial of three Irishmen held in Colombia now
expected within weeks, attention has been increasingly focused on a
major report – `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' – which was circulated
before Christmas by campaigners for the detainees.
The so-called `Colombia Three' – Martin McCauley, Niall Connolly and
Jim Monaghan – were arrested by the Colombian military at Bogota
airport on August 11, 2001.
Almost immediately, a flurry of sensational allegations seeped out
through British media sources about the arrests, with the effect
that both the Irish and Colombian peace processes were destabilised.
The most significant of these allegations, with which the three
Irishmen were subsequently charged, was that they represented Irish
republicans engaged in training indigenous guerrilla fighters from
FARC – an armed, insurgent organisation – to assist its campaign
against the right-wing Colombian establishment.
During the past 30 months of detention the men have been shifted
around six different detention centres and jails – at times in fear
of their lives from other detainees linked to right-wing death-
squads.
Campaigners claim that the men's right to a fair trial has been
systematically undermined by prejudicial public statements from
political officials, military officers and media commentators – both
in Colombia, Britain and the United States.
Within weeks of the arrests families and friends of the three men
had begun to mobilise in support of their case and the Bring Them
Home campaign was formed.
A string of international observers and human rights activists were
subsequently harnessed to examine closely the men's detention,
welfare and trial.
The `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' report represents the
culmination, to date, of the `Bring Them Home' campaign.
It presents detailed and compelling first-hand evidence from highly
respected international figures about the treatment of the men and
the processing of their case.
Among the evidence presented in the men's defence at their trial
last summer was witness testimony from an Irish government diplomat,
certified payslips and work time sheets, and dated video footage
from conferences in Ireland.
This evidence meant that the three men could not – as was alleged -
have been training FARC members in Colombia during the periods
asserted by the prosecution.
One of those who championed the case of the three men over the last
30 months was leading Fianna Fail MEP Niall Andrews.
Mr Andrews has sponsored campaigners in travelling to meet senior
European Parliament officials, as well as visiting the men himself
in Colombia.
In a scathing analysis, Mr Andrews concluded: "Following my
attendance at the trial of the Colombia Three who are charged with
training the outlawed FARC, I am convinced that the charges against
them are without substance.
"In my view the main charge was an invention by the Colombian
authorities working on information provided by British and American
intelligence agencies.
"It seems to me that the Colombian government is determined that
the
three men should be found guilty by the Judge, Dr Jairo Acosta.
"At the time of their arrest by the Colombian authorities, the
government and FARC were in peace talks and FARC was recognised as a
political partner in these talks. The three men were not alone in
visiting the so-called `FARC zone'.
"Most disturbing of all was the appearance of the Chief of Staff of
the Colombian Army on television calling for the men to be
condemned. This followed almost immediately after the conclusion of
the prosecution case.
"Even if the men are found guilty of travelling on false passports,
they have spent sufficient time in prison and should be released.
"To summarise, there is not one jot of credible evidence which
should find these men guilty of the charge of training FARC," said
Mr Andrews.
Various delegations consisting of activists, politicians and lawyers
from four different continents have visited the three Irishmen
during their detention.
Recently, newly elected Sinn Féin MLA, Catriona Ruane – who co-
ordinated the `Bring Then Home' campaign – has called on everyone to
ensure the men are released and allowed home.
"We are now awaiting the decision of Judge Jairo Acosta. It is
obvious to the world that the Colombian military and prosecutor have
fabricated a case against these three men.
"We are calling on everyone to contact the Colombian authorities
requesting that they permit the judge to make a decision based on
the evidence presented to his court free from political and military
interference.
"It is essential that everyone acts now to ensure that we stop a
miscarriage of justice of the magnitude of the Birmingham Six and
Guilford Four occurring," said Ms Ruane.
Among the key conclusions of the international observers' report are
the following:
• That the original arrest and detention by the Colombian military
was illegal
• That the Colombian prosecutor was criticised for "not carrying
out
his function and failing to gather exculpatory evidence"
• That the men's liberties have been denied on the basis of
fabricated evidence
• That the men's access to defence lawyers has been unduly
restricted
• That defence lawyers have been prevented from gathering relevant
evidence and unduly restricted in their cross-examinations
• That a forensic test carried out by US Embassy officials has been
undermined and should not have been given legal standing in Colombia
• That the men were proven not to be in Colombia during previous
dates alleged by the prosecution
• That the men made no secret of their reliance upon false travel
documents and contend that their presence in Colombia was for purely
peaceful and political purposes.
The `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' report is available from the Art
Shop on the Falls Road. Information can also be obtained by
accessing the website www.bringthemhome.ie or by writing to Bring
Them Home Campaign, Dominick Court, 41 Dominick Street Lower, Dublin
1, Ireland.
Judge for yourself
15 Jan 2003
With a decision expected in the next few weeks that will determine
the fate of the Colombia Three, Jarlath Kearney focuses on the
report, `Colombia: Judge for Yourself', which discredits much of the
so-called evidence and accusations levelled against the trio, Martin
McCauley, Niall Connolly and Jim Monaghan
With judgement in the trial of three Irishmen held in Colombia now
expected within weeks, attention has been increasingly focused on a
major report – `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' – which was circulated
before Christmas by campaigners for the detainees.
The so-called `Colombia Three' – Martin McCauley, Niall Connolly and
Jim Monaghan – were arrested by the Colombian military at Bogota
airport on August 11, 2001.
Almost immediately, a flurry of sensational allegations seeped out
through British media sources about the arrests, with the effect
that both the Irish and Colombian peace processes were destabilised.
The most significant of these allegations, with which the three
Irishmen were subsequently charged, was that they represented Irish
republicans engaged in training indigenous guerrilla fighters from
FARC – an armed, insurgent organisation – to assist its campaign
against the right-wing Colombian establishment.
During the past 30 months of detention the men have been shifted
around six different detention centres and jails – at times in fear
of their lives from other detainees linked to right-wing death-
squads.
Campaigners claim that the men's right to a fair trial has been
systematically undermined by prejudicial public statements from
political officials, military officers and media commentators – both
in Colombia, Britain and the United States.
Within weeks of the arrests families and friends of the three men
had begun to mobilise in support of their case and the Bring Them
Home campaign was formed.
A string of international observers and human rights activists were
subsequently harnessed to examine closely the men's detention,
welfare and trial.
The `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' report represents the
culmination, to date, of the `Bring Them Home' campaign.
It presents detailed and compelling first-hand evidence from highly
respected international figures about the treatment of the men and
the processing of their case.
Among the evidence presented in the men's defence at their trial
last summer was witness testimony from an Irish government diplomat,
certified payslips and work time sheets, and dated video footage
from conferences in Ireland.
This evidence meant that the three men could not – as was alleged -
have been training FARC members in Colombia during the periods
asserted by the prosecution.
One of those who championed the case of the three men over the last
30 months was leading Fianna Fail MEP Niall Andrews.
Mr Andrews has sponsored campaigners in travelling to meet senior
European Parliament officials, as well as visiting the men himself
in Colombia.
In a scathing analysis, Mr Andrews concluded: "Following my
attendance at the trial of the Colombia Three who are charged with
training the outlawed FARC, I am convinced that the charges against
them are without substance.
"In my view the main charge was an invention by the Colombian
authorities working on information provided by British and American
intelligence agencies.
"It seems to me that the Colombian government is determined that
the
three men should be found guilty by the Judge, Dr Jairo Acosta.
"At the time of their arrest by the Colombian authorities, the
government and FARC were in peace talks and FARC was recognised as a
political partner in these talks. The three men were not alone in
visiting the so-called `FARC zone'.
"Most disturbing of all was the appearance of the Chief of Staff of
the Colombian Army on television calling for the men to be
condemned. This followed almost immediately after the conclusion of
the prosecution case.
"Even if the men are found guilty of travelling on false passports,
they have spent sufficient time in prison and should be released.
"To summarise, there is not one jot of credible evidence which
should find these men guilty of the charge of training FARC," said
Mr Andrews.
Various delegations consisting of activists, politicians and lawyers
from four different continents have visited the three Irishmen
during their detention.
Recently, newly elected Sinn Féin MLA, Catriona Ruane – who co-
ordinated the `Bring Then Home' campaign – has called on everyone to
ensure the men are released and allowed home.
"We are now awaiting the decision of Judge Jairo Acosta. It is
obvious to the world that the Colombian military and prosecutor have
fabricated a case against these three men.
"We are calling on everyone to contact the Colombian authorities
requesting that they permit the judge to make a decision based on
the evidence presented to his court free from political and military
interference.
"It is essential that everyone acts now to ensure that we stop a
miscarriage of justice of the magnitude of the Birmingham Six and
Guilford Four occurring," said Ms Ruane.
Among the key conclusions of the international observers' report are
the following:
• That the original arrest and detention by the Colombian military
was illegal
• That the Colombian prosecutor was criticised for "not carrying
out
his function and failing to gather exculpatory evidence"
• That the men's liberties have been denied on the basis of
fabricated evidence
• That the men's access to defence lawyers has been unduly
restricted
• That defence lawyers have been prevented from gathering relevant
evidence and unduly restricted in their cross-examinations
• That a forensic test carried out by US Embassy officials has been
undermined and should not have been given legal standing in Colombia
• That the men were proven not to be in Colombia during previous
dates alleged by the prosecution
• That the men made no secret of their reliance upon false travel
documents and contend that their presence in Colombia was for purely
peaceful and political purposes.
The `Colombia: Judge for Yourself' report is available from the Art
Shop on the Falls Road. Information can also be obtained by
accessing the website www.bringthemhome.ie or by writing to Bring
Them Home Campaign, Dominick Court, 41 Dominick Street Lower, Dublin
1, Ireland.
Irelandclick.com
Milltown Mystery
15 Jan 2003
This is the holdall and fire extinguisher that cops failed to spot during their follow-up search of Milltown Cemetery after Monday's desecration of several graves at the Republican Plot, and which led to a bomb alert at the cemetery. Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association said that the fact that the bag was found by a member of the public shows that the PSNI did not carry out a proper search of the area.
"They had sniffer dogs over the whole scene. "I think it's a bad reflection on the police."
BEYOND CONTEMPT
Sinn Féin and the National Graves Association have slammed the PSNI for failing to find a bag containing a suspected bomb during a sweep of Milltown Cemetery after the destruction of headstones. It was later found by a distraught relative.
Police went to the cemetery early on Monday morning after reports that a device had been left at the republican plot by a group calling themselves "hoods in West Belfast."
The group contacted the Samaritans in Bangor and read the following statement.
"The hoods in West Belfast have left a device in the republican end of Milltown Cemetery.
"This is a protest against republican actions."
PSNI officers who responded to the report found that several graves in the republican plot had been smashed.
They sealed off the scene and with sniffer dogs carried out a search of the area for the device. PSNI officers found nothing and the site was reopened.
Members of the National Graves Association, Sinn Féin, family members of those buried in the plot and a number of journalists went to the scene to survey the damage once the site had been cleared.
However, a few hours later a holdall was found behind a wreath in the republican plot by a family member. The area was again sealed off and controlled explosions carried out. It was later declared a hoax – a fire extinguisher was all that was in the bag.
Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association said that the fact that the bag was found by a member of the public shows that the PSNI did not carry out a proper search of the area.
"They had sniffer dogs over the whole scene and swept the area so I think it is a bad reflection on the police."
Sinn Féin councillor Michael Browne said that the PSNI at the very least had demonstrated a "couldn't-care-less attitude"
The councillor said that if the bag had contained a bomb the outcome could have been tragic.
"The area was sealed off and nobody was allowed near the plot," said Councillor Browne.
"The PSNI were acting on a tip-off and were looking for a device yet they didn't find it, somebody else did.
"It is very lucky that this wasn't a bomb as it doesn't take the wildest imagination in the world to work out what would have happened if it had been a bomb."
In response a police spokeswoman said: "Police initially carried out a search of the Milltown area using dogs trained in sniffing out explosives and nothing was found.
"The second incident at the cemetery involved an object that didnot contain explosives although the ATO was tasked and a controlled explosion carried out as a precaution."
This is the second time in four years that there have been unusual circumstances surrounding damage at the republican plot at Milltown.
In January 2000 a member of Sinn Féin received a phone call from a newspaper informing her that graves had been damaged.
Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association hurried to the scene at 9pm and found no damage had been caused.
He left the cemetery at 9.45pm. At 11.00pm he was contacted by the police who said that they had discovered damaged graves in the
republican plot. The PSNI are now investigating whether or not the fire extinguisher may have been used to damage the graves.
The extinguisher, which was made in 1988, has been tested for fingerprints and the PSNI are awaiting the outcome of these tests.
Footage from a surveillance camera on Andersonstown barracks has been examined by the PSNI but did not show anything suspicious according to the PSNI.
It is estimated that up to £12,000 damage was caused at the newly refurbished republican plot, with 22 grave stones being damaged.
The grave of hunger striker Bobby Sands was among those destroyed as was that of the parents of Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams which is near the republican plot.
Sinn Féin councillor Michael Browne said that the desecration of the graves was "an outrageous act of wanton vandalism."
Councillor Browne bitterly condemned the attack.
"I have spoken to a number of families who have loved ones buried in the plot and they are extremely distressed at what happened overnight. This is not simply a memorial, it is the actual graves of many IRA volunteers and Sinn Féin activists killed over the past 30 years. Those responsible for this attack are beyond contempt."
The NGA has vowed to repair the plot as soon as possible and are calling on local people to help raise money for the project. Anyone interested in donating money to the fundraising campaign should contact Liam Shannon on 90 619875.
Journalist:: Roisin Cox
Milltown Mystery
15 Jan 2003
This is the holdall and fire extinguisher that cops failed to spot during their follow-up search of Milltown Cemetery after Monday's desecration of several graves at the Republican Plot, and which led to a bomb alert at the cemetery. Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association said that the fact that the bag was found by a member of the public shows that the PSNI did not carry out a proper search of the area.
"They had sniffer dogs over the whole scene. "I think it's a bad reflection on the police."
BEYOND CONTEMPT
Sinn Féin and the National Graves Association have slammed the PSNI for failing to find a bag containing a suspected bomb during a sweep of Milltown Cemetery after the destruction of headstones. It was later found by a distraught relative.
Police went to the cemetery early on Monday morning after reports that a device had been left at the republican plot by a group calling themselves "hoods in West Belfast."
The group contacted the Samaritans in Bangor and read the following statement.
"The hoods in West Belfast have left a device in the republican end of Milltown Cemetery.
"This is a protest against republican actions."
PSNI officers who responded to the report found that several graves in the republican plot had been smashed.
They sealed off the scene and with sniffer dogs carried out a search of the area for the device. PSNI officers found nothing and the site was reopened.
Members of the National Graves Association, Sinn Féin, family members of those buried in the plot and a number of journalists went to the scene to survey the damage once the site had been cleared.
However, a few hours later a holdall was found behind a wreath in the republican plot by a family member. The area was again sealed off and controlled explosions carried out. It was later declared a hoax – a fire extinguisher was all that was in the bag.
Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association said that the fact that the bag was found by a member of the public shows that the PSNI did not carry out a proper search of the area.
"They had sniffer dogs over the whole scene and swept the area so I think it is a bad reflection on the police."
Sinn Féin councillor Michael Browne said that the PSNI at the very least had demonstrated a "couldn't-care-less attitude"
The councillor said that if the bag had contained a bomb the outcome could have been tragic.
"The area was sealed off and nobody was allowed near the plot," said Councillor Browne.
"The PSNI were acting on a tip-off and were looking for a device yet they didn't find it, somebody else did.
"It is very lucky that this wasn't a bomb as it doesn't take the wildest imagination in the world to work out what would have happened if it had been a bomb."
In response a police spokeswoman said: "Police initially carried out a search of the Milltown area using dogs trained in sniffing out explosives and nothing was found.
"The second incident at the cemetery involved an object that didnot contain explosives although the ATO was tasked and a controlled explosion carried out as a precaution."
This is the second time in four years that there have been unusual circumstances surrounding damage at the republican plot at Milltown.
In January 2000 a member of Sinn Féin received a phone call from a newspaper informing her that graves had been damaged.
Liam Shannon from the National Graves Association hurried to the scene at 9pm and found no damage had been caused.
He left the cemetery at 9.45pm. At 11.00pm he was contacted by the police who said that they had discovered damaged graves in the
republican plot. The PSNI are now investigating whether or not the fire extinguisher may have been used to damage the graves.
The extinguisher, which was made in 1988, has been tested for fingerprints and the PSNI are awaiting the outcome of these tests.
Footage from a surveillance camera on Andersonstown barracks has been examined by the PSNI but did not show anything suspicious according to the PSNI.
It is estimated that up to £12,000 damage was caused at the newly refurbished republican plot, with 22 grave stones being damaged.
The grave of hunger striker Bobby Sands was among those destroyed as was that of the parents of Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams which is near the republican plot.
Sinn Féin councillor Michael Browne said that the desecration of the graves was "an outrageous act of wanton vandalism."
Councillor Browne bitterly condemned the attack.
"I have spoken to a number of families who have loved ones buried in the plot and they are extremely distressed at what happened overnight. This is not simply a memorial, it is the actual graves of many IRA volunteers and Sinn Féin activists killed over the past 30 years. Those responsible for this attack are beyond contempt."
The NGA has vowed to repair the plot as soon as possible and are calling on local people to help raise money for the project. Anyone interested in donating money to the fundraising campaign should contact Liam Shannon on 90 619875.
Journalist:: Roisin Cox
14.1.04
Another Stakeknife Handler Named
10 January 2004
More on Stakeknife, his handlers and the Force Research Unit, the UK's Northern Ireland undercover operations military command:
http://cryptome.org/fru-highcourt.htm
------------------------------------------------------------------
A. writes:
Another of Steak knife's handlers has just been named as WO 1 Ronnie Anderson from N. Ireland. Photo to follow soon.
------------------------------------------------------------------
10 January 2004
More on Stakeknife, his handlers and the Force Research Unit, the UK's Northern Ireland undercover operations military command:
http://cryptome.org/fru-highcourt.htm
------------------------------------------------------------------
A. writes:
Another of Steak knife's handlers has just been named as WO 1 Ronnie Anderson from N. Ireland. Photo to follow soon.
------------------------------------------------------------------
IOL: DUP: 'Unionists want entirely new peace deal'
DUP: 'Unionists want entirely new peace deal'
14/01/2004 - 07:41:04
The Democratic Unionist Party has reiterated its plan to press for the complete re-negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement during the upcoming review of the 1998 peace deal.
Party spokesman Gregory Campbell said yesterday that nothing less than an entirely new agreement would be enough for unionists.
He said almost two-thirds of the unionist electorate had voted in favour of the DUP’s re-negotiation policy and those democratically expressed wishes had to be heard and seriously addressed.
Sinn Féin and the SDLP have vowed to resist any unionist effort to re-negotiate the agreement, which ended 30 years of violence in the North.
The upcoming review of the document is expected to begin on January 29.
DUP: 'Unionists want entirely new peace deal'
14/01/2004 - 07:41:04
The Democratic Unionist Party has reiterated its plan to press for the complete re-negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement during the upcoming review of the 1998 peace deal.
Party spokesman Gregory Campbell said yesterday that nothing less than an entirely new agreement would be enough for unionists.
He said almost two-thirds of the unionist electorate had voted in favour of the DUP’s re-negotiation policy and those democratically expressed wishes had to be heard and seriously addressed.
Sinn Féin and the SDLP have vowed to resist any unionist effort to re-negotiate the agreement, which ended 30 years of violence in the North.
The upcoming review of the document is expected to begin on January 29.
BBC NEWS | Northern Ireland | Talks to resolve prison row
Talks to resolve prison row
The unions are threatening strike action at prisons across the UK
Northern Ireland's prison management and unions are to meet in London for talks to avert strike action at jails across the UK.
This follows the threat of industrial action by prison officers angry over security arrangements at the homes of Northern Ireland staff.
On Tuesday it emerged up to £20,000 was being spent on security for each of the 1,400 prison officers whose details were discovered in the hands of the IRA.
It is illegal for prison officers to strike, but the union has insisted it will go ahead with the move anyway, without a ballot.
Prisons management, the union at local and national level and the prisons minister Jane Kennedy are expected to take part in Wednesday's talks.
The talks will discuss the security response which followed the discovery in October 2002 that the IRA had acquired the personal details of many officers.
Jane Kennedy said no more money was available for security
However, the union says the £20,000 being spent on security measures at many of their members' homes is not enough.
Finlay Spratt of the Prison Officers' Association described the security package as "inadequate".
He said the measures had been "imposed" on prison officers and was "appalled" that the director general of the Prison Service in Northern Ireland, Peter Russell, had publicly spelt out the type of security recently installed in homes.
Mrs Kennedy has so far refused to spend more on home security for prison officers, which has led to a stand-off ahead of the talks.
On Tuesday, Mr Russell said he hoped things were not moving in that direction but added that such was the mood among officers, he could not be confident of a positive outcome on Wednesday.
In the continuing security row, officers twice left their posts in November.
Writ
Police officers were called into the jails and the chief constable has presented that bill for police time to the prison service.
However, they want the union to meet the costs.
On Tuesday, Mr Russell confirmed the service had taken out a writ to recover the money from the POA.
Industrial action was threatened in October following attacks on five members of staff at the high security Maghaberry prison outside Lisburn, County Antrim.
A number of homes of serving and former prison officers have also been attacked.
These attacks were linked to a prisoners' dispute at the jail.
In September, a review of safety at Maghaberry recommended separating republican and loyalist prisoners.
The move was introduced in the wake of violent clashes between rival groups in the jail and in the face of a "dirty protest" by a group of dissident republican prisoners.
As well as paramilitary prisoners, Maghaberry houses male and female prisoners, whether they are convicted or on remand, and a number of asylum seekers.
Talks to resolve prison row
The unions are threatening strike action at prisons across the UK
Northern Ireland's prison management and unions are to meet in London for talks to avert strike action at jails across the UK.
This follows the threat of industrial action by prison officers angry over security arrangements at the homes of Northern Ireland staff.
On Tuesday it emerged up to £20,000 was being spent on security for each of the 1,400 prison officers whose details were discovered in the hands of the IRA.
It is illegal for prison officers to strike, but the union has insisted it will go ahead with the move anyway, without a ballot.
Prisons management, the union at local and national level and the prisons minister Jane Kennedy are expected to take part in Wednesday's talks.
The talks will discuss the security response which followed the discovery in October 2002 that the IRA had acquired the personal details of many officers.
Jane Kennedy said no more money was available for security
However, the union says the £20,000 being spent on security measures at many of their members' homes is not enough.
Finlay Spratt of the Prison Officers' Association described the security package as "inadequate".
He said the measures had been "imposed" on prison officers and was "appalled" that the director general of the Prison Service in Northern Ireland, Peter Russell, had publicly spelt out the type of security recently installed in homes.
Mrs Kennedy has so far refused to spend more on home security for prison officers, which has led to a stand-off ahead of the talks.
On Tuesday, Mr Russell said he hoped things were not moving in that direction but added that such was the mood among officers, he could not be confident of a positive outcome on Wednesday.
In the continuing security row, officers twice left their posts in November.
Writ
Police officers were called into the jails and the chief constable has presented that bill for police time to the prison service.
However, they want the union to meet the costs.
On Tuesday, Mr Russell confirmed the service had taken out a writ to recover the money from the POA.
Industrial action was threatened in October following attacks on five members of staff at the high security Maghaberry prison outside Lisburn, County Antrim.
A number of homes of serving and former prison officers have also been attacked.
These attacks were linked to a prisoners' dispute at the jail.
In September, a review of safety at Maghaberry recommended separating republican and loyalist prisoners.
The move was introduced in the wake of violent clashes between rival groups in the jail and in the face of a "dirty protest" by a group of dissident republican prisoners.
As well as paramilitary prisoners, Maghaberry houses male and female prisoners, whether they are convicted or on remand, and a number of asylum seekers.
BBC NEWS | Northern Ireland | DPP member's car burned
DPP member's car burned
A car belonging to a district policing partnership member has been destroyed in a suspected arson attack.
The incident happened in the Wayside area of Tandragee, County Armagh, at about 0230 GMT on Wednesday.
The car was parked outside the woman's house.
She is a member of the Armagh district policing partnership.
Jim Speers, chairman of the Armagh DPP, said it was a frightening attack.
"This is a lady in a vulnerable part of the community, and it was certainly an attack that has to be condemned by right-thinking people," he said.
All members of every DPP work for the benefit of the whole community and their work and contribution is invaluable
Desmond Rea
Policing Board chairman
"The DPP members are people who are community minded and have given their time, energy and effort on behalf of the entire community."
Policing Board chairman Professor Desmond Rea said all his colleagues condemned the "despicable" incident.
"All members of every DPP work for the benefit of the whole community and their work and contribution is invaluable," he added.
SDLP Assembly member for Newry and Armagh, Dominic Bradley, described the attack as a "brutal assault on the whole community".
Ulster Unionist MLA Danny Kennedy said the attack was "utterly disgraceful".
Last year, a number of people resigned from policing partnerships across the province following a campaign of intimidation by dissident republicans.
District policing partnerships were set up across Northern Ireland under reforms initiated by a commission headed by former Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten and implemented by the government.
The bodies are made up of councillors and members of the local community, who work alongside the Police Service of Northern Ireland's 29 District Command Units in trying to meet local community policing needs.
DPP member's car burned
A car belonging to a district policing partnership member has been destroyed in a suspected arson attack.
The incident happened in the Wayside area of Tandragee, County Armagh, at about 0230 GMT on Wednesday.
The car was parked outside the woman's house.
She is a member of the Armagh district policing partnership.
Jim Speers, chairman of the Armagh DPP, said it was a frightening attack.
"This is a lady in a vulnerable part of the community, and it was certainly an attack that has to be condemned by right-thinking people," he said.
All members of every DPP work for the benefit of the whole community and their work and contribution is invaluable
Desmond Rea
Policing Board chairman
"The DPP members are people who are community minded and have given their time, energy and effort on behalf of the entire community."
Policing Board chairman Professor Desmond Rea said all his colleagues condemned the "despicable" incident.
"All members of every DPP work for the benefit of the whole community and their work and contribution is invaluable," he added.
SDLP Assembly member for Newry and Armagh, Dominic Bradley, described the attack as a "brutal assault on the whole community".
Ulster Unionist MLA Danny Kennedy said the attack was "utterly disgraceful".
Last year, a number of people resigned from policing partnerships across the province following a campaign of intimidation by dissident republicans.
District policing partnerships were set up across Northern Ireland under reforms initiated by a commission headed by former Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten and implemented by the government.
The bodies are made up of councillors and members of the local community, who work alongside the Police Service of Northern Ireland's 29 District Command Units in trying to meet local community policing needs.
13.1.04
1981 Hunger Strikes
**This link comes from my group email fromira2
and is the gateway to the NY University Archives of Irish America:
"The 1981 HUNGER STRIKES: AMERICA REACTS traces the evolution of public opinion in the United States from before the strikes - when few outside the Irish American community knew what the issues were in Northern Ireland - to their conclusion when public awareness was at its height. It also examines the degree to which the American media and the Irish American public gave the hunger strikers the legitimacy they needed to press their cause in Washington and London. The purpose of the exhibit is twofold. First, to present a body of new primary resources and, second, to inspire reflection on the very nature of public opinion making."
**This link comes from my group email fromira2
and is the gateway to the NY University Archives of Irish America:
"The 1981 HUNGER STRIKES: AMERICA REACTS traces the evolution of public opinion in the United States from before the strikes - when few outside the Irish American community knew what the issues were in Northern Ireland - to their conclusion when public awareness was at its height. It also examines the degree to which the American media and the Irish American public gave the hunger strikers the legitimacy they needed to press their cause in Washington and London. The purpose of the exhibit is twofold. First, to present a body of new primary resources and, second, to inspire reflection on the very nature of public opinion making."
IOL: Ex-IRA man reveals identity at Inquiry
Ex-IRA man reveals identity at Inquiry
13/01/2004 - 10:45:05
A former IRA man giving evidence at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry today dramatically waived his right to anonymity.
William Anderson, 50, who was known to the Saville Inquiry as PIRA 18, decided at the last minute to reveal his identity.
He was one of three former IRA men, two Provos and one member of the Officials to be granted anonymity yesterday on the grounds that their lives could be at risk if they were made public.
Mr Anderson, who gave no reason for asking for his name to be used, told the inquiry that at the time of Bloody Sunday he had been suspended from the Creggan unit of the Provos for stealing and torching a van belonging to the Official IRA.
Despite being suspended, he decided to attend the civil rights march on January 30, 1972 which resulted in the deaths of 13 unarmed civilians at the hands of members of the Parachute Regiment in the Bogside area of Derry.
During the march, he recalled seeing a man with his cheek missing coming towards them as they stood in Blucher Street.
“The people around me in Blucher Street made him lie on the ground. I don’t know who this man is but I have seen photographs of him since,” he said.
The former Provo said he heard that people had been shot during the march and went into the Bogside to try to find his younger brother.
As he ran up an alleyway between Abbey Park and Glenfada Park, he saw the body of one of the dead, Michael Kelly being carried out of a house.
“I knew straight away that he was dead even though he was being carried out out as if he was sitting upright in a chair.”
He went into the house where he saw another young man lying on the floor. He told the inquiry he believed it was the body of Jim Wray, another one of the victims.
Mr Anderson said he made his way to the Rossville Flats area where he saw the body of Hugh Gilmore and that of Barney McGuigan, which was covered with a civil rights banner.
Some time later, he met his IRA section leader.
“He was standing around and had a look of total disbelief. I asked him, ‘what about my suspension?’ I had in mind that we should do something and he should forget about my suspension.
“He simply said to me, ‘see us after the funerals’. I knew then that the suspensions had been lifted and there were now other things to worry about and do,” he added.
Ex-IRA man reveals identity at Inquiry
13/01/2004 - 10:45:05
A former IRA man giving evidence at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry today dramatically waived his right to anonymity.
William Anderson, 50, who was known to the Saville Inquiry as PIRA 18, decided at the last minute to reveal his identity.
He was one of three former IRA men, two Provos and one member of the Officials to be granted anonymity yesterday on the grounds that their lives could be at risk if they were made public.
Mr Anderson, who gave no reason for asking for his name to be used, told the inquiry that at the time of Bloody Sunday he had been suspended from the Creggan unit of the Provos for stealing and torching a van belonging to the Official IRA.
Despite being suspended, he decided to attend the civil rights march on January 30, 1972 which resulted in the deaths of 13 unarmed civilians at the hands of members of the Parachute Regiment in the Bogside area of Derry.
During the march, he recalled seeing a man with his cheek missing coming towards them as they stood in Blucher Street.
“The people around me in Blucher Street made him lie on the ground. I don’t know who this man is but I have seen photographs of him since,” he said.
The former Provo said he heard that people had been shot during the march and went into the Bogside to try to find his younger brother.
As he ran up an alleyway between Abbey Park and Glenfada Park, he saw the body of one of the dead, Michael Kelly being carried out of a house.
“I knew straight away that he was dead even though he was being carried out out as if he was sitting upright in a chair.”
He went into the house where he saw another young man lying on the floor. He told the inquiry he believed it was the body of Jim Wray, another one of the victims.
Mr Anderson said he made his way to the Rossville Flats area where he saw the body of Hugh Gilmore and that of Barney McGuigan, which was covered with a civil rights banner.
Some time later, he met his IRA section leader.
“He was standing around and had a look of total disbelief. I asked him, ‘what about my suspension?’ I had in mind that we should do something and he should forget about my suspension.
“He simply said to me, ‘see us after the funerals’. I knew then that the suspensions had been lifted and there were now other things to worry about and do,” he added.
Saoirse Online Newsroom
Republican prisoners face removal to English jails
Seán McGoldrick, Assistant PRO, Republican Sinn Féin
January 13, 2004
THE British government is planning to expel remand and sentenced Six-County Republican prisoners to jails in England, Wales and Scotland, the Republican newspaper SAOIRSE has claimed.
The new power is contained in the Justice (Northern Ireland) Bill which is currently being debated by the Westminster parliament.
The January issue of the Republican Sinn Féin paper says that when this is passed into law any resistance by the prisoners to this punitive regime could now result in their removal to jails in England.
"Any complacency on the part of Republican prisoners and their supporters outside the jails as a result of September's partial victory must now be ended as the campaign for political status faces a new and sinister challenge," SAOIRSE warned.
Notes:
Justice (Northern Ireland) Bill Clause 13. Transfer of prisoners. . .
2A. If it appears to the Secretary of State that-
a) a person remanded in custody in Northern Ireland in connection with an offence, or
b) a person serving a sentence of imprisonment in Northern Ireland;
should be transferred to England and Wales in the interests of maintaining security or good order in any prison in Northern Ireland, the Secretary of State may make an order for his transfer to England and Wales, there to be remanded in custody pending his trial or, as the case may be, to serve the whole or any part of the remainder of his sentence, and for his removal to an appropriate institution there."
Republican prisoners face removal to English jails
Seán McGoldrick, Assistant PRO, Republican Sinn Féin
January 13, 2004
THE British government is planning to expel remand and sentenced Six-County Republican prisoners to jails in England, Wales and Scotland, the Republican newspaper SAOIRSE has claimed.
The new power is contained in the Justice (Northern Ireland) Bill which is currently being debated by the Westminster parliament.
The January issue of the Republican Sinn Féin paper says that when this is passed into law any resistance by the prisoners to this punitive regime could now result in their removal to jails in England.
"Any complacency on the part of Republican prisoners and their supporters outside the jails as a result of September's partial victory must now be ended as the campaign for political status faces a new and sinister challenge," SAOIRSE warned.
Notes:
Justice (Northern Ireland) Bill Clause 13. Transfer of prisoners. . .
2A. If it appears to the Secretary of State that-
a) a person remanded in custody in Northern Ireland in connection with an offence, or
b) a person serving a sentence of imprisonment in Northern Ireland;
should be transferred to England and Wales in the interests of maintaining security or good order in any prison in Northern Ireland, the Secretary of State may make an order for his transfer to England and Wales, there to be remanded in custody pending his trial or, as the case may be, to serve the whole or any part of the remainder of his sentence, and for his removal to an appropriate institution there."
Saoirse Online Newsroom
Made in EU labels threat to Irish identity, jobs
Seán McGoldrick, Assistant PRO, Republican Sinn Féin
January 13, 2004
Plans by Brussels to introduce compulsory 'Made in EU' labels on products made in Ireland are meeting with opposition.
The change, being considered by the European Commission to create a common EU identity, would ultimately mean that it would be impossible to identify the country of origin of goods manufactured within the EU.
The proposal is being opposed in Ireland amid fears that this will lead to people buying goods they assume are Irish made but which may in future be produced elsewhere.
Irish small businesses are also concerned that they will in future be restricted in promoting products on the basis of national origin. Brand experts have criticised the plans, arguing that consumers have few positive associations with the EU. They say national origin markings can be valuable in branding and promoting products, and that it is unlikely that a "Made in the EU" marking would carry the same cachet as a "Made in France" or "Made in Germany" stamp.
Republican Sinn Féin is opposing the plans and has called for them to be scrapped. A spokesperson said RSF was encouraging people throughout the 32 Counties to purchase Irish-made goods in Irish-owned shops.
Seán McGoldrick, Ard Chomhairle, said that people had a right to know if the goods they are buying are made in Ireland or not. "Buying goods made in Ireland helps to keep jobs in Ireland. That is why the country of origin should be clearly marked. On the other hand if there is a brand name that we assume to be Irish made, the country of manufacture should be known too, because the goods are not necessarily made in Ireland and buying them is doing nothing to save jobs."
Made in EU labels threat to Irish identity, jobs
Seán McGoldrick, Assistant PRO, Republican Sinn Féin
January 13, 2004
Plans by Brussels to introduce compulsory 'Made in EU' labels on products made in Ireland are meeting with opposition.
The change, being considered by the European Commission to create a common EU identity, would ultimately mean that it would be impossible to identify the country of origin of goods manufactured within the EU.
The proposal is being opposed in Ireland amid fears that this will lead to people buying goods they assume are Irish made but which may in future be produced elsewhere.
Irish small businesses are also concerned that they will in future be restricted in promoting products on the basis of national origin. Brand experts have criticised the plans, arguing that consumers have few positive associations with the EU. They say national origin markings can be valuable in branding and promoting products, and that it is unlikely that a "Made in the EU" marking would carry the same cachet as a "Made in France" or "Made in Germany" stamp.
Republican Sinn Féin is opposing the plans and has called for them to be scrapped. A spokesperson said RSF was encouraging people throughout the 32 Counties to purchase Irish-made goods in Irish-owned shops.
Seán McGoldrick, Ard Chomhairle, said that people had a right to know if the goods they are buying are made in Ireland or not. "Buying goods made in Ireland helps to keep jobs in Ireland. That is why the country of origin should be clearly marked. On the other hand if there is a brand name that we assume to be Irish made, the country of manufacture should be known too, because the goods are not necessarily made in Ireland and buying them is doing nothing to save jobs."
Irish American Information Service
CORY GOES OVER BRITISH GOV.T'S HEAD
01/12/04 22:21 EST
The families of attorneys Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and of Robert Hamill and Billy Wright have been told by judge Peter Cory that he has recommended public inquiries into their murders.
Judge Cory was so annoyed at the British government's delay in releasing his reports into the controversial killings that he personally contacted the families yesterday to tell them of his recommendations.
The retired Canadian judge has examined allegations of collusion surrounding some of the most controversial killings of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
The British government has cited a series of legal reasons for not publishing the reports into the Finucane, Nelson, Hamill and Wright killings.
A Downing Street spokesperson said last night: "The prime minister has made it clear that we will publish the reports as soon as the legal position is complete."
All the families welcomed Judge Cory's personal actions.
Solicitor Mr Michael Finucane, son of Pat Finucane who was murdered in front of his family by the UDA in 1989 amid claims of British security force collusion, said Judge Cory told him he was motivated in his actions primarily by reasons of humanity and fairness to the families.
"I got a call from Judge Cory out of the blue about 3.30 [p.m.]," said Mr Finucane. "He said he had informed the Northern Ireland Office that he was going to make the families aware of the bottom line in his report because he felt it was the humane thing to do."
Judge Cory told the families of his recommendations but did not go into the detail of his report. Mr Finucane said the British government's stance on the report indicated that he could have little faith that it would order an independent and impartial inquiry - the British has made a commitment to abide by the judge's recommendations.
"I don't think the concepts of independence and impartiality are compatible with how the British government does its business," said Mr Finucane.
"I think the fact that Judge Cory felt compelled to contact us shows up the British government as being, at the very least, guilty of bad faith and, at worst, duplicity and lies," he added.
Mr Finucane described Judge Cory as a man of "unquestionable integrity". But Mr Finucane said he was concerned that if an inquiry were called the British government would attempt to restrict its remit.
In December, the Irish Government accepted Judge Cory's recommendation for an independent inquiry into the deaths of senior RUC officers, Chief Supt Harry Breen and Supt Bob Buchanan, who drovwe into an IRA ambush close to the Border following a meeting with Irish Gardai in Dundalk in the Irish Republic in 1989.
CORY GOES OVER BRITISH GOV.T'S HEAD
01/12/04 22:21 EST
The families of attorneys Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and of Robert Hamill and Billy Wright have been told by judge Peter Cory that he has recommended public inquiries into their murders.
Judge Cory was so annoyed at the British government's delay in releasing his reports into the controversial killings that he personally contacted the families yesterday to tell them of his recommendations.
The retired Canadian judge has examined allegations of collusion surrounding some of the most controversial killings of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
The British government has cited a series of legal reasons for not publishing the reports into the Finucane, Nelson, Hamill and Wright killings.
A Downing Street spokesperson said last night: "The prime minister has made it clear that we will publish the reports as soon as the legal position is complete."
All the families welcomed Judge Cory's personal actions.
Solicitor Mr Michael Finucane, son of Pat Finucane who was murdered in front of his family by the UDA in 1989 amid claims of British security force collusion, said Judge Cory told him he was motivated in his actions primarily by reasons of humanity and fairness to the families.
"I got a call from Judge Cory out of the blue about 3.30 [p.m.]," said Mr Finucane. "He said he had informed the Northern Ireland Office that he was going to make the families aware of the bottom line in his report because he felt it was the humane thing to do."
Judge Cory told the families of his recommendations but did not go into the detail of his report. Mr Finucane said the British government's stance on the report indicated that he could have little faith that it would order an independent and impartial inquiry - the British has made a commitment to abide by the judge's recommendations.
"I don't think the concepts of independence and impartiality are compatible with how the British government does its business," said Mr Finucane.
"I think the fact that Judge Cory felt compelled to contact us shows up the British government as being, at the very least, guilty of bad faith and, at worst, duplicity and lies," he added.
Mr Finucane described Judge Cory as a man of "unquestionable integrity". But Mr Finucane said he was concerned that if an inquiry were called the British government would attempt to restrict its remit.
In December, the Irish Government accepted Judge Cory's recommendation for an independent inquiry into the deaths of senior RUC officers, Chief Supt Harry Breen and Supt Bob Buchanan, who drovwe into an IRA ambush close to the Border following a meeting with Irish Gardai in Dundalk in the Irish Republic in 1989.
IOL: Sinn F�in says Blair must keep promises
Sinn Féin says Blair must keep promises
13/01/2004 - 14:38:30
Sinn Féin is demanding the immediate publication of the Cory Report.
The report, written by Canadian judge Peter Cory, concluded that there is sufficient evidence to justify full inquiries into four controversial killings in the North, where collusion with state forces is alleged.
Sinn Féin's Gerry Kelly says the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, had promised to publish the reports and act on them if Judge Peter Cory found that public inquiries were justified.
Sinn Féin is predicting that the British Prime Minister is going to try to break his word to the families of the victims.
Sinn Féin says Blair must keep promises
13/01/2004 - 14:38:30
Sinn Féin is demanding the immediate publication of the Cory Report.
The report, written by Canadian judge Peter Cory, concluded that there is sufficient evidence to justify full inquiries into four controversial killings in the North, where collusion with state forces is alleged.
Sinn Féin's Gerry Kelly says the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, had promised to publish the reports and act on them if Judge Peter Cory found that public inquiries were justified.
Sinn Féin is predicting that the British Prime Minister is going to try to break his word to the families of the victims.
IOL: Adams says Irish must secure official EU language status
Adams says Irish must secure official EU language status
13/01/2004 - 16:34:43
The Sinn Féin President, Gerry Adams, is urging the Taoiseach to seek and secure official status for the Irish language during our presidency of the EU.
Mr Adams says the accession of new states in May will see the current 11 official languages increased to 20.
He says Maltese, which has 380,000 speakers, is already recognised. Mr Adams says as there are at least that many Irish speakers here, and many more with knowledge of the language, it should be officially recognised too.
Adams says Irish must secure official EU language status
13/01/2004 - 16:34:43
The Sinn Féin President, Gerry Adams, is urging the Taoiseach to seek and secure official status for the Irish language during our presidency of the EU.
Mr Adams says the accession of new states in May will see the current 11 official languages increased to 20.
He says Maltese, which has 380,000 speakers, is already recognised. Mr Adams says as there are at least that many Irish speakers here, and many more with knowledge of the language, it should be officially recognised too.
BBC NEWS | Northern Ireland | 'Cover-up' over Cory reports
'Cover-up' over Cory reports
The British Government is covering up reports on a number of controversial murders in Northern Ireland, Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams has said.
Mr Adams was speaking on Tuesday following a meeting with Secretary of State Paul Murphy to discuss retired Canadian judge Peter Cory's inquiries into the killings.
Judge Cory examined allegations of collusion surrounding some of the most controversial killings of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
These included the 1989 murder of Pat Finucane at his north Belfast home, the killing of Catholic man Robert Hamill in Portadown in 1997, the murder of Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright in the Maze Prison in 1997 and the murder of Rosemary Nelson in Lurgan 1999.
He told the families of solicitors Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and of Robert Hamill and Billy Wright on Monday that he has recommended public inquiries into their murders.
Judge Cory compiled reports into eight killings on both sides of the Irish border and handed six reports over to the Irish and British governments last October.
The British Government says it is still considering the legal and security implications of publishing the judge's findings.
However, some of the families have criticised the decision not to publish the reports, because of what the government called legal and human rights matters.
Challenge
Mr Adams challenged Prime Minister Tony Blair to keep his word about endorsing Judge Cory's recommendations.
He said the refusal to publish the findings proved that Judge Cory had recommended public inquiries into Mr Finucane's killing and other cases.
Mr Finucane's family is taking legal action against the British Government for failing to publish the report on his killing.
His son, Michael Finucane, said Judge Cory had phoned him as he decided that contacting the families was the humane thing to do.
"He did not think that it was not appropriate that the families be made to wait any longer for at least this fundamental piece of information," he said.
On Tuesday, solicitors for the Finucane family are lodging papers at the High Court in Belfast to seek a judicial review.
Leave has to be granted by a judge before the application can go ahead.
However, solicitor Ritchie McRitchie said they would request that the leave hearing should be skipped, because of the delay in publishing Judge Cory's report.
Welcomed
Lagan Valley MP Jeffrey Donaldson welcomed Judge Cory's recommendation to hold a public inquiry into the murder of Billy Wright.
"What we don't want is the kind of inquiry that we've seen connected with Bloody Sunday, which has been drawn out over two years and cost a huge amount of taxpayers' money," he told BBC Radio Ulster.
"I think any inquiry should take place in a relatively short timespan, and it should be focused on the issues relating to the circumstances in which the murder took place."
The Irish Government has already published its report into the murders of RUC officers Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan and the killing of Lord Maurice Gibson and his wife Lady Cecily in 1987.
Last month, the Irish Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell announced a public inquiry into the IRA murders of the two senior RUC officers in 1989.
The inquiry came after Judge Cory's report which examined allegations of collusion between rogue police officers and the IRA.
Five human rights organisations - Amnesty International, British Irish Rights Watch, the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights - have also called for the reports to be published.
Judge Cory was appointed by London and Dublin following the Weston Park political negotiations in 2001.
'Cover-up' over Cory reports
The British Government is covering up reports on a number of controversial murders in Northern Ireland, Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams has said.
Mr Adams was speaking on Tuesday following a meeting with Secretary of State Paul Murphy to discuss retired Canadian judge Peter Cory's inquiries into the killings.
Judge Cory examined allegations of collusion surrounding some of the most controversial killings of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
These included the 1989 murder of Pat Finucane at his north Belfast home, the killing of Catholic man Robert Hamill in Portadown in 1997, the murder of Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright in the Maze Prison in 1997 and the murder of Rosemary Nelson in Lurgan 1999.
He told the families of solicitors Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and of Robert Hamill and Billy Wright on Monday that he has recommended public inquiries into their murders.
Judge Cory compiled reports into eight killings on both sides of the Irish border and handed six reports over to the Irish and British governments last October.
The British Government says it is still considering the legal and security implications of publishing the judge's findings.
However, some of the families have criticised the decision not to publish the reports, because of what the government called legal and human rights matters.
Challenge
Mr Adams challenged Prime Minister Tony Blair to keep his word about endorsing Judge Cory's recommendations.
He said the refusal to publish the findings proved that Judge Cory had recommended public inquiries into Mr Finucane's killing and other cases.
Mr Finucane's family is taking legal action against the British Government for failing to publish the report on his killing.
His son, Michael Finucane, said Judge Cory had phoned him as he decided that contacting the families was the humane thing to do.
"He did not think that it was not appropriate that the families be made to wait any longer for at least this fundamental piece of information," he said.
On Tuesday, solicitors for the Finucane family are lodging papers at the High Court in Belfast to seek a judicial review.
Leave has to be granted by a judge before the application can go ahead.
However, solicitor Ritchie McRitchie said they would request that the leave hearing should be skipped, because of the delay in publishing Judge Cory's report.
Welcomed
Lagan Valley MP Jeffrey Donaldson welcomed Judge Cory's recommendation to hold a public inquiry into the murder of Billy Wright.
"What we don't want is the kind of inquiry that we've seen connected with Bloody Sunday, which has been drawn out over two years and cost a huge amount of taxpayers' money," he told BBC Radio Ulster.
"I think any inquiry should take place in a relatively short timespan, and it should be focused on the issues relating to the circumstances in which the murder took place."
The Irish Government has already published its report into the murders of RUC officers Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan and the killing of Lord Maurice Gibson and his wife Lady Cecily in 1987.
Last month, the Irish Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell announced a public inquiry into the IRA murders of the two senior RUC officers in 1989.
The inquiry came after Judge Cory's report which examined allegations of collusion between rogue police officers and the IRA.
Five human rights organisations - Amnesty International, British Irish Rights Watch, the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights - have also called for the reports to be published.
Judge Cory was appointed by London and Dublin following the Weston Park political negotiations in 2001.
12.1.04
IOL: Finucane family in court move against UK government
Finucane family in court move against UK government
12/01/2004 - 22:49:54
The family of murdered Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane tonight moved to force the British government through the courts to release a report into his controversial killing.
The Finucane family will go to Belfast High Court tomorrow to seek a judicial review to force Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphy to release a report by retired Canadian judge Peter Cory.
Mr Finucane was killed in controversial circumstances by the loyalist Ulster Freedom Fighters in February 1989.
Mr Finucane’s widow Geraldine tonight confirmed a member of her family had been contacted by the judge who was appointed by the British and Irish governments to look into whether there should be inquiries into six controversial killings.
She said the judge had told the family that he had recommended an inquiry into Mr Finucane’s murder which has been dogged by claims that members of the security forces colluded with loyalist paramilitaries.
It is also understood that Judge Cory contacted the families of Lurgan solicitor Rosemary Nelson, who was blown up in a car bomb attack in the driveway of her home in March 1999, Portadown Catholic Robert Hamill, who was kicked to death by a loyalist mob in May 1997, and Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright, who was gunned down by the INLA in the Maze Prison in December 1997.
Sources said the judge has also recommended inquiries in these three cases.
Mrs Finucane said they were going to court because the Government had already released reports into two other cases which Judge Cory looked at.
“As far as we are concerned Judge Cory was appointed under a binding agreement involving both British and Irish Governments at Weston Park,” she said.
“The Irish Government published their two reports, but the British Government has still not released theirs.
“They just made a sweeping statement saying they were looking into the legal and security implications of releasing the report.
“However, as far as we are concerned they should be released now. There should be no delay – end of story.”
Finucane family in court move against UK government
12/01/2004 - 22:49:54
The family of murdered Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane tonight moved to force the British government through the courts to release a report into his controversial killing.
The Finucane family will go to Belfast High Court tomorrow to seek a judicial review to force Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphy to release a report by retired Canadian judge Peter Cory.
Mr Finucane was killed in controversial circumstances by the loyalist Ulster Freedom Fighters in February 1989.
Mr Finucane’s widow Geraldine tonight confirmed a member of her family had been contacted by the judge who was appointed by the British and Irish governments to look into whether there should be inquiries into six controversial killings.
She said the judge had told the family that he had recommended an inquiry into Mr Finucane’s murder which has been dogged by claims that members of the security forces colluded with loyalist paramilitaries.
It is also understood that Judge Cory contacted the families of Lurgan solicitor Rosemary Nelson, who was blown up in a car bomb attack in the driveway of her home in March 1999, Portadown Catholic Robert Hamill, who was kicked to death by a loyalist mob in May 1997, and Loyalist Volunteer Force leader Billy Wright, who was gunned down by the INLA in the Maze Prison in December 1997.
Sources said the judge has also recommended inquiries in these three cases.
Mrs Finucane said they were going to court because the Government had already released reports into two other cases which Judge Cory looked at.
“As far as we are concerned Judge Cory was appointed under a binding agreement involving both British and Irish Governments at Weston Park,” she said.
“The Irish Government published their two reports, but the British Government has still not released theirs.
“They just made a sweeping statement saying they were looking into the legal and security implications of releasing the report.
“However, as far as we are concerned they should be released now. There should be no delay – end of story.”
Belfast Telegraph
Bobby Sands grave vandalised
12 January 2004
Sinn Fein councillor Michael Brown examines the damage to the headstone of hunger striker Bobby Sands caused by vandals at the republican site in Milltown cementery.A PLOT containing the grave of IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands has been damaged in an overnight attack by vandals in a west Belfast cemetery.
Sinn Fein confirmed today that 16 graves in the Republican plot in Milltown Cemetery, which contains the graves of hunger strikers Sands and Joe McDonnell, and three Provisionals killed by the SAS in Gibraltar in 1988 - Mairead Farrell, Sean Savage and Danny McCann - were desecrated.
The grave of Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams' father was also damaged.
Headstones were smashed and flowers were scattered around the recently refurbished memorial.
West Belfast Sinn Fein councillor, Michael Browne, said relatives were "extremely distressed".
He said: "This is not simply a Republican memorial, it is the actual graves of many IRA volunteers and Sinn Fein activists killed over the past 30 years.
"The monument was recently refurbished through the voluntary work of Belfast republicans.
"Republicans throughout the city will be angered at this turn of events and I am sure they will rally to the aid of the National Graves Association as they seek to rebuild the monument."
The graves have been vandalised in the past. In January 2000 more than 20 granite memorials were damaged.
Bobby Sands grave vandalised
12 January 2004
Sinn Fein councillor Michael Brown examines the damage to the headstone of hunger striker Bobby Sands caused by vandals at the republican site in Milltown cementery.A PLOT containing the grave of IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands has been damaged in an overnight attack by vandals in a west Belfast cemetery.
Sinn Fein confirmed today that 16 graves in the Republican plot in Milltown Cemetery, which contains the graves of hunger strikers Sands and Joe McDonnell, and three Provisionals killed by the SAS in Gibraltar in 1988 - Mairead Farrell, Sean Savage and Danny McCann - were desecrated.
The grave of Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams' father was also damaged.
Headstones were smashed and flowers were scattered around the recently refurbished memorial.
West Belfast Sinn Fein councillor, Michael Browne, said relatives were "extremely distressed".
He said: "This is not simply a Republican memorial, it is the actual graves of many IRA volunteers and Sinn Fein activists killed over the past 30 years.
"The monument was recently refurbished through the voluntary work of Belfast republicans.
"Republicans throughout the city will be angered at this turn of events and I am sure they will rally to the aid of the National Graves Association as they seek to rebuild the monument."
The graves have been vandalised in the past. In January 2000 more than 20 granite memorials were damaged.
Belfast Telegraph
INLA gang threatened to rape my son: mum
Thugs who attacked boy (14) 'were paedophiles'
By Jonathan McCambridge
jmccambridge@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
12 January 2004
THE mother of a 14-year-old boy shot in north Belfast has branded the suspected INLA gang who terrorised her son as "paedophiles".
The boy, one of the youngest ever victims of a so-called punishment attack in Northern Ireland, is currently receiving treatment in hospital for a gunshot wound to his left leg.
He was abducted on Friday evening while playing with his 10-year-old brother near his Ardoyne home.
He was then subjected to an horrific five hour ordeal in which he was stripped, beaten and threatened with rape.
Parish priest Fr Aidan Troy has confirmed that the same youth was abducted and chained to a lamppost and covered in oil by the INLA last April.
His mother said: "They beat him and strangled him. He has the marks around his neck, and they also threatened to rape him. The language they used was filthy.
"They are scumbags and paedophiles, the lowest of the low. He thought he was going to be raped and killed.
"They accused him of dealing with loyalists, which is simply not true.
"My son is no angel but he goes about with a crowd and nothing ever happens to any of them. He's been singled out and targeted because some in the INLA don't like him. They'll stop at nothing to make his life hell. I could be burying my child today. It's just not right."
Fr Troy said the attack underlined the "policing vacuum" which exists in parts of north Belfast.
"This youth was tarred last year and now he has been targeted again. There is an ongoing situation which is obviously very difficult for the family to deal with.
"I am not naive, I know some of these boys are not angels but this is not the way to deal with anything."
The INLA has not admitted involvement in the attack but sources have indicated an investigation is being carried out by the Republican Socialist Movement.
INLA gang threatened to rape my son: mum
Thugs who attacked boy (14) 'were paedophiles'
By Jonathan McCambridge
jmccambridge@belfasttelegraph.co.uk
12 January 2004
THE mother of a 14-year-old boy shot in north Belfast has branded the suspected INLA gang who terrorised her son as "paedophiles".
The boy, one of the youngest ever victims of a so-called punishment attack in Northern Ireland, is currently receiving treatment in hospital for a gunshot wound to his left leg.
He was abducted on Friday evening while playing with his 10-year-old brother near his Ardoyne home.
He was then subjected to an horrific five hour ordeal in which he was stripped, beaten and threatened with rape.
Parish priest Fr Aidan Troy has confirmed that the same youth was abducted and chained to a lamppost and covered in oil by the INLA last April.
His mother said: "They beat him and strangled him. He has the marks around his neck, and they also threatened to rape him. The language they used was filthy.
"They are scumbags and paedophiles, the lowest of the low. He thought he was going to be raped and killed.
"They accused him of dealing with loyalists, which is simply not true.
"My son is no angel but he goes about with a crowd and nothing ever happens to any of them. He's been singled out and targeted because some in the INLA don't like him. They'll stop at nothing to make his life hell. I could be burying my child today. It's just not right."
Fr Troy said the attack underlined the "policing vacuum" which exists in parts of north Belfast.
"This youth was tarred last year and now he has been targeted again. There is an ongoing situation which is obviously very difficult for the family to deal with.
"I am not naive, I know some of these boys are not angels but this is not the way to deal with anything."
The INLA has not admitted involvement in the attack but sources have indicated an investigation is being carried out by the Republican Socialist Movement.
Irish Echo Online - News
New delay expected in Colombia 3 verdict
By Stephen McKinley
smckinley@irishecho.com
The three Irishmen who are in jail in Bogotá after trial on charges of providing terrorist know-how to left-wing guerrillas have heard that the judge in the case will not reach sentencing until "after February," according to reports in Colombia.
Niall Connolly, Martin McCauley and Jim Monaghan were arrested as they tried to leave Colombia in August 2001 and charged with assisting the FARC, Colombia's main left-wing guerrilla group, with new bombing technology, in a trial that ended in late 2003.
Judge Jairo Acosta is said to have told reporters last week that due to his workload, he will not be able to deliver a verdict on the case until at least next month. He said that said he had 60 other cases to consider as well as the Irish one, which ended in late 2003.
Acosta had been expected to decide the case as early as this month. The three men could face up to 20 years in jail if found guilty.
Irish, Australian and American legal observers have attacked the trial of the three men, saying the process was fatally compromised after Colombian officials and senior politicians spoke in public about the case, and that the defense evidence exonerates the three.
In a statement, the Irish-American legal organization the Brehon Law Society condemned the continued delay in the case.
"The old expression 'justice delayed is justice denied' comes immediately to mind," said spokesperson Stephen McCabe. "It has now been some 29 months since the arrest and detention of the three accused and yet no verdict has been rendered."
"Surely, based on the paucity of the evidence presented by the state, a verdict of acquittal is the only result that any fair-minded observer of these events could reasonably envision."
Legal observers have stated that Judge Acosta must remain free of political pressure in order to decide the case fairly, and have said they fear he could be vulnerable to threats or blackmail from Colombia's right-wing paramilitaries who violently oppose the FARC.
Connolly, McCauley and Monaghan were arrested while leaving Colombia in August 2001. They were accused by Colombian officials of being IRA members who were passing on terrorist know-how to the FARC, the left-wing Colombian group that has waged an anti-government guerilla war there for over 30 years.
During the men's trial, both forensic and circumstantial evidence was declared flawed by the defense, who provided alibi witnesses and video evidence showing the men were not in Colombia on the dates stated by the prosecution. A forensics expert from the U.K, Keith Borer, who has been an expert witness for the British government and Irish republicans, declared the forensics evidence against the men to be flawed.
All three admit to being Irish republicans and two of the men. But they say their presence in Colombia was to discuss the Irish peace process with FARC guerillas who were then talking with the Colombian government about a ceasefire. The talks have since collapsed.
Irish republicans and their supporters have been campaigning for the men's release since 2001 through the Bring Them Home campaign. For the Brehon Law Society in New York, McCabe added.
This story appeared in the issue of January 7 -13, 2004
New delay expected in Colombia 3 verdict
By Stephen McKinley
smckinley@irishecho.com
The three Irishmen who are in jail in Bogotá after trial on charges of providing terrorist know-how to left-wing guerrillas have heard that the judge in the case will not reach sentencing until "after February," according to reports in Colombia.
Niall Connolly, Martin McCauley and Jim Monaghan were arrested as they tried to leave Colombia in August 2001 and charged with assisting the FARC, Colombia's main left-wing guerrilla group, with new bombing technology, in a trial that ended in late 2003.
Judge Jairo Acosta is said to have told reporters last week that due to his workload, he will not be able to deliver a verdict on the case until at least next month. He said that said he had 60 other cases to consider as well as the Irish one, which ended in late 2003.
Acosta had been expected to decide the case as early as this month. The three men could face up to 20 years in jail if found guilty.
Irish, Australian and American legal observers have attacked the trial of the three men, saying the process was fatally compromised after Colombian officials and senior politicians spoke in public about the case, and that the defense evidence exonerates the three.
In a statement, the Irish-American legal organization the Brehon Law Society condemned the continued delay in the case.
"The old expression 'justice delayed is justice denied' comes immediately to mind," said spokesperson Stephen McCabe. "It has now been some 29 months since the arrest and detention of the three accused and yet no verdict has been rendered."
"Surely, based on the paucity of the evidence presented by the state, a verdict of acquittal is the only result that any fair-minded observer of these events could reasonably envision."
Legal observers have stated that Judge Acosta must remain free of political pressure in order to decide the case fairly, and have said they fear he could be vulnerable to threats or blackmail from Colombia's right-wing paramilitaries who violently oppose the FARC.
Connolly, McCauley and Monaghan were arrested while leaving Colombia in August 2001. They were accused by Colombian officials of being IRA members who were passing on terrorist know-how to the FARC, the left-wing Colombian group that has waged an anti-government guerilla war there for over 30 years.
During the men's trial, both forensic and circumstantial evidence was declared flawed by the defense, who provided alibi witnesses and video evidence showing the men were not in Colombia on the dates stated by the prosecution. A forensics expert from the U.K, Keith Borer, who has been an expert witness for the British government and Irish republicans, declared the forensics evidence against the men to be flawed.
All three admit to being Irish republicans and two of the men. But they say their presence in Colombia was to discuss the Irish peace process with FARC guerillas who were then talking with the Colombian government about a ceasefire. The talks have since collapsed.
Irish republicans and their supporters have been campaigning for the men's release since 2001 through the Bring Them Home campaign. For the Brehon Law Society in New York, McCabe added.
This story appeared in the issue of January 7 -13, 2004
online.ie
Civilians to take over NI prison jobs
11/01/2004 - 14:24:39 Online.ie
Civilian staff are being recruited to work at Northern Ireland’s top security jail in jobs currently carried out by prison officers, it was revealed today.
The Prison Service in Northern Ireland is recruiting more than 150 civilian staff to help it re-introduce the separation of loyalist and republican prisoners in Maghaberry Prison.
The civilian staff will take over duties such as guarding the main gates of the Co Antrim prison, the searching of prisoners’ relatives making visits and driving inmates on visits.
The Prison Service insisted that the move was not privatisation, but said civilians, initially temporary staff, would take over from prison officers jobs that “don’t require their special skills“.
Private security firms who currently supply the staff who replaced police officers doing many jobs at Northern Ireland courts are being asked to provide the staff.
The Prison Service said they had to find an extra £7m (€10.1m) to fund the separation of the rival groups.
A spokesman said: “We will require more prison officers to look after the two houses which will house the separated prisoners. We are putting extra officers in because we don’t want a return to the Maze-style structures where the paramilitaries had free association and virtually ran their H-Blocks.”
“What we are proposing is that we will require non-prison officers to do jobs where there is little or no contact with prisoners.”
However, the Prison Officers Association condemned the move which it predicted would lead to “disastrous security breaches” at the prison.
POA chairman Finlay Spratt said: “The idea that untrained staff can carry out searches on the gates and prevent smuggling of drugs or even guns is madness.”
He said there was also the danger of private security firms being intimidated by the paramilitaries into being lax on their searches of visitors.
“Prison officers face daily intimidation so imagine what would happen if the paramilitaries start to exert pressure on the private security firms,” said Mr Spratt.
The separation of dissident republican and loyalist inmates – people such as former UDA chieftain Johnny “Mad Dog” Adair – was recommended in a report last year.
So far 35 loyalists and 25 republicans are in temporary separated accommodation.
Full separation is expected to be ready some time next month.
The POA has been in dispute with the service for over a year over its demands for more security at the homes of officers after it was discovered personal details of some 600 of its members were in the hands of the IRA.
The Northern Ireland Office in Britain has been resisting saying security has been provided to those considered by police to need it and pointing out that current attacks on officers’ homes are by loyalists not the IRA, who are adjudged to be maintaining their ceasefire.
Civilians to take over NI prison jobs
11/01/2004 - 14:24:39 Online.ie
Civilian staff are being recruited to work at Northern Ireland’s top security jail in jobs currently carried out by prison officers, it was revealed today.
The Prison Service in Northern Ireland is recruiting more than 150 civilian staff to help it re-introduce the separation of loyalist and republican prisoners in Maghaberry Prison.
The civilian staff will take over duties such as guarding the main gates of the Co Antrim prison, the searching of prisoners’ relatives making visits and driving inmates on visits.
The Prison Service insisted that the move was not privatisation, but said civilians, initially temporary staff, would take over from prison officers jobs that “don’t require their special skills“.
Private security firms who currently supply the staff who replaced police officers doing many jobs at Northern Ireland courts are being asked to provide the staff.
The Prison Service said they had to find an extra £7m (€10.1m) to fund the separation of the rival groups.
A spokesman said: “We will require more prison officers to look after the two houses which will house the separated prisoners. We are putting extra officers in because we don’t want a return to the Maze-style structures where the paramilitaries had free association and virtually ran their H-Blocks.”
“What we are proposing is that we will require non-prison officers to do jobs where there is little or no contact with prisoners.”
However, the Prison Officers Association condemned the move which it predicted would lead to “disastrous security breaches” at the prison.
POA chairman Finlay Spratt said: “The idea that untrained staff can carry out searches on the gates and prevent smuggling of drugs or even guns is madness.”
He said there was also the danger of private security firms being intimidated by the paramilitaries into being lax on their searches of visitors.
“Prison officers face daily intimidation so imagine what would happen if the paramilitaries start to exert pressure on the private security firms,” said Mr Spratt.
The separation of dissident republican and loyalist inmates – people such as former UDA chieftain Johnny “Mad Dog” Adair – was recommended in a report last year.
So far 35 loyalists and 25 republicans are in temporary separated accommodation.
Full separation is expected to be ready some time next month.
The POA has been in dispute with the service for over a year over its demands for more security at the homes of officers after it was discovered personal details of some 600 of its members were in the hands of the IRA.
The Northern Ireland Office in Britain has been resisting saying security has been provided to those considered by police to need it and pointing out that current attacks on officers’ homes are by loyalists not the IRA, who are adjudged to be maintaining their ceasefire.
